| La Vendée |
| Corsica |
| Occitania |
| A Free Wales |
| A Freer Catalonia - The Financial Times |
| The Independence of Catalonia |
| Sue Stirling: Now let us turn to the English question... - the Independent |
| Why Scotland needs Independence? |
| Aspirational Slovenia - The Scotsman |
| Basque used for the first time at the EU Council of Ministers |
| France fails to implement UN recommendations on 'regional' languages |
| Is Quebec setting a vital example for Basques? |
| Quebecers are a nation within Canada |
| Les régions d'Europe narguent leurs Etats - Liberation |
| Will Slovenia be the European whipping boy? |
| La région qui deviendrait Etat sortirait de l'UE - Liberation |
| Carantha's Observation |
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| A nation killed by French revolutionists |
| Vendée is a department in west central France, on the Atlantic Ocean. In the Vendée, 31 members, elected through universal suffrage, govern the affairs of the department, with 28 members on the right-wing and 3 members on the left-wing. This assembly is headed by Philippe de Villiers. The Prefect represents the French State in the department.The department is crossed by four rivers: the Sèvre Nantaise (135 km), the Vendée (70 km), the Lay (110 km) and the Sèvre Niortaise (150 km). The Vendée has been cited as the most economically dynamic department in France by L'Express magazine in a 2006 survey. Its economy is characterized by a low rate of unemployment (around 7% in late 2006 against over 9% nationally) and a very high proportion of small and medium sized enterprises (one business for every 14 inhabitants). The name Vendée is taken from the Vendée river, which runs through the south-eastern part of the department. That is not true, in fact, the name derives from the Vends (Veneti), who, in Roman times, had settled in this region and also in nearby Brittany, known in ancient times as Armorica. In the spring of 57 BC, when Julius Caesar invaded Gaul, his Roman commander Marcus Licinius Crassus defeated the Vends in the area of today's Brittany and Vendée. ![]() ![]()
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| History Towards the end of the Roman empire, the Vends of Armorica resisted courageously the Roman occupation. Only after fierce fighting they were finally defeated and forced to retreat. In consequence, the Romans killed and led away almost the entire male population of the country. A nation was destroyed. Then, the Celtic people from the British Isles arrived in Armorica. It became a Celtic province and adopted the name Brittany. Only some names bear witness of the ancient Vends (Veneti). In the nearby province, what is today Vendée, the inhabitants offered no resistance. They evidently preserved their original Vendic (Venetic) culture and identity still for a long time until they were Romanized, or better said Frenchified in the Early Middle Ages. The area today called the Vendée is part of the former province of Poitou. In the south-east corner, the village of Nieul-sur-l'Autise is believed to be the birthplace of Eleanor of Aquitaine (1122 - 1204) and was part of her Kingdom. Eleanor's son, Richard I of England (the Lionheart) often based himself in Talmont. The Hundred Years' War (1337 - 1453) turned much of the Vendée into a battleground. Since the Vendée held a considerable number of influential Protestants, including control by Jeanne d'Albret, the region was greatly impacted by the French Wars of Religion, which broke out in 1562 and continued until 1598. Eventually King Henri IV issued the Edict of Nantes and the Wars came to an end. When the Edict of Nantes was revoked in 1685, it caused many Huguenots to flee from the Vendée. Die Füße im Feuer Conrad Ferdinand Meyer (1825-1898) Wild zuckt der Blitz. In fahlem Lichte steht ein Turm. Der Donner rollt. Ein Reiter kämpft mit seinem Roß, Springt ab und pocht ans Tor und lärmt. Sein Mantel saust Im Wind. Er hält den scheuen Fuchs am Zügel fest. Ein schmales Gitterfenster schimmert goldenhell Und knarrend öffnet jetzt das Tor ein Edelmann ... - "Ich bin ein Knecht des Königs, als Kurier geschickt Nach Nîmes. Herbergt mich! Ihr kennt des Königs Rock!" - Es stürmt. Mein Gast bist du. Dein Kleid, was kümmert's mich? Tritt ein und wärme dich! Ich sorge für dein Tier!" Der Reiter tritt in einen dunklen Ahnensaal, Von eines weiten Herdes Feuer schwach erhellt, Und je nach seines Flackerns launenhaftem Licht Droht hier ein Hugenott im Harnisch, dort ein Weib, Ein stolzes Edelweib aus braunem Ahnenbild ... Der Reiter wirft sich in den Sessel vor dem Herd Und starrt in den lebend'gen Brand. Er brütet, gafft ... Leis sträubt sich ihm das Haar. Er kennt den Herd, den Saal ... Die Flamme zischt. Zwei Füße zucken in der Glut. Den Abendtisch bestellt die greise Schaffnerin Mit Linnen blendend weiß. Das Edelmägdlein hilft. Ein Knabe trug den Krug mit Wein. Der Kinder Blick Hangt schreckensstarr am Gast und hangt am Herd entsetzt ... Die Flamme zischt. Zwei Füße zucken in der Glut. - "Verdammt! Dasselbe Wappen! Dieser selbe Saal! Drei Jahre sind's ... Auf einer Hugenottenjagd ... Ein fein, halsstarrig Weib ... 'Wo steckt der Junker? Sprich!' Sie schweigt. 'Bekenn!' Sie schweigt. 'Gib ihn heraus!' Sie schweigt. Ich werde wild. D e r Stolz! Ich zerre das Geschöpf ... Die nackten Füße pack ich ihr und strecke sie Tief mitten in die Glut ... 'Gib ihn heraus!' ... Sie schweigt ... Sie windet sich ... Sahst du das Wappen nicht am Tor? Wer hieß dich hier zu Gaste gehen, dummer Narr? Hat er nur einen Tropfen Bluts, erwürgt er dich." - Eintritt der Edelmann. "Du träumst! Zu Tische, Gast ..." Der Reiter lauert aus den Augenwinkeln: "Herr, Ihr seid ein kluger Mann und voll Besonnenheit Und wißt, daß ich dem größten König eigen bin. Lebt wohl! Auf Nimmerwiedersehn!" Der andre spricht: "Du sagst's! Dem größten König eigen! Heute ward Sein Dienst mir schwer ... Gemordet hast Du teuflisch mir Mein Weib! Und lebst ... Mein ist die Rache, redet Gott."
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| The revolt It is also remembered as the place where the peasants revolted against the Revolutionary government in 1793. They resented the changes imposed on the Roman Catholic Church by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790) and broke into open revolt in defiance of the Revolutionary government's military conscription. A guerrilla war, known as the Revolt in the Vendée, led at the outset by an underground faction called the Chouans (tawny owls), cost more than 100,000 lives (much more!) until it ended in 1796. The Revolt in the Vendée is the subject of Ninety-Three (Quatre-vingt-treize), the last novel by the French writer Victor Hugo. In the writings of Karl Marx regarding revolutionary struggles in various countries, he uses the term "a Vendée" as meaning "a focus of persistent counter-revolutionary activities". In the mostly rural region of the Vendée, political sentiment in 1793 was Royalist. The farmers regarded many institutions of the young republic - new taxation, general conscription, the abolition of old regional and local privileges, as a threat to them rather than as an asset. They were outraged about the execution of the king. The National Convention, on February 24th, had decided on the conscription of 300,000 men, scheduled for March 12th 1793. On that day, preparations for the revolt were made in St. Fleurent le Vieil. The population of other places joined; the Vendean militia fought revolutionary troops; the Vendeans, in March-July, militarily, held on pretty well; they undertook offensive operations, occupied Angers on June 19th. The Vendée insurgents were organized in a number of armies, commanded by able leaders (Charette, d'Elbee, La Rochejaquelein, Stofflet), many of whom were noblemen and had previous military experience. On August 1st the National Convention decreed the destruction of the Vendée. Kleber, commissioned with the execution of that decree, with an army of 100,000, arrived at Nantes September 6th. On Sept. 19th his forces, the Blues, were defeated by the Whites (Vendeans) in the Battle of Torfu.
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| The massacre
In October the Vendeans suffered several defeats; on Nov. 4th they won at Fougeres, on Dec. 12th at Le Mans. On Dec. 23rd at Savenay, the core of the Vendean army was surrounded and annihilated. The Blues (Republican side) committed massacres, first against those regarded instigators of the rebellion (priests), against prisoners of war, and then against the entire population of rebel villages, not sparing women, children and the old. Several Vendean units were still in the field; fighting was bitter and Vendeans occasionally still won victories (March 25th 1794, April 17th). On July 28th Robespierre was executed in Paris; the terror phase of the French revolution was over. Carrier, one of the revolutionary commanders in the Vendée campaign, was executed on December 16th. Fighting ceased (Dec. 26th, 1794); on Feb. 17th, 1795, the Treaty of Junay was signed, regarded a peace treaty for the Vendée. The rebellion was resumed in 1795 and finally abandoned in 1796. The Vendean rebellion was a climax in the history of the French Revolution. Because of the obstinate, determined resistance of the Vendeans the Jacobins escalated their policy of terror, not only sentencing individuals regarded enemies of the people, but pursuing a policy of genocide. This escalation of violence brought the downfall of Robespierre, the Jacobins, the Convention. Many reforms the Vendeans had revolted against were still in force; but the fight had been extremely costly in human lives, over 200,000 dead. The Concordate Napoleon signed with the pope in 1801 restored the Catholic Church in France. In 1815, when Napoleon returned from Elbe for his Hundred Days, La Vendée refused to recognize him and stayed loyal to King Louis XVIII. General Lamarque led 10,000 men into La Vendée to pacify the region. In 1850, British author, Anthony Trollope published his book La Vendée, detailing the history of the region and the war. In the preface he pays tribute to Madame de la Rochejaquelein on whose memoirs of the war he based his story.
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A French genocide
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Reaction of the Masonry
Other historians have employed the term "genocide" to describe the massacres made during the civil war in the republican camp, such as Jean Tulard. Stéphane Courtois", a Director of Research at the CNRS who specializes in the history of Communism, tells of how Lenin compared the people of Vendée to the Cossacks, and expressed joy at subjecting them to the program Gracchus Babeuf, "the inventor of modern Communism", characterized as "populicide" in 1795 against the people of the Vendée. British historian Ruth Scurr states that the actions of the revolutionaries, such as mass executions by grapeshot fired from cannons and group drownings in the Vendée, constitute crimes against humanity that they would today be held accountable for under the European human rights legislation they themselves pioneered.
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| Corsica |
| Independence has always been the issue here. |
| Corsica is now a region - or rather a colony of France |
| Un peu de l'histoire |
| With the collapse of Byzantine control, the island came under various influences, including Arabs and Lombards. Pisa took control of the island during most of the Middle Ages but it finally fell to Genoa in 1282, following the Battle of Meloria against Pisa. Corsica successively was part of the Republic of Genoa for five centuries. Despite take-overs by Aragon between 1296-1434 and France between 1553-1559, Corsica would remain under Genoese control until its purchase by France in 1768. The adventurer Theodor von Neuhoff was briefly King Theodore of Corsica in the 18th century. |

| An important figure in Corsican history is Pasquale Paoli, a general and patriot who struggled for Corsican independence against Genoa and then France, called Il Babbu di a Patria (Father of the Nation). It was essentially with him that the Moor's head ("Testa Mora") became Corsica's emblem in 1760, harking back to the period when Corsica had been controlled by Moors (850 to 1034). |
| Paoli founded the first University of Corsica (with instruction in Italian), and in 1755 proclaimed the Corsican Republic. The Corsican Constitution would later be used as a model for the American Constitution (Saul 1992, 5561). Paoli, however, was defeated by the French army, and the island came under French rule. Paoli died in exile in London in 1807. His legacy was taken initially by the irredentism of the Corsican Italians and now by the actual political movements for the independence of Corsica from France. |

| Corsica is also the birthplace of Napoleon Bonaparte, who was born in Ajaccio, into minor nobility. Following the French conquest of the island, Corsican nobles were offered the ability to gain French titles if they could prove their genealogy sufficiently. In an attempt to do so, Napoleon's parents traveled to court in France, and, like many other Corsican nobles, sent their son to school there. |
| During World War II, while Germany occupied northern and western France, Corsica was part of Vichy France (1940-1942) and then occupied by the Kingdom of Italy from 1942-1943. In the first half of the 20th century, many Corsicans (like Petru Giovacchini) had advocated the unification of the island with Italy. -In recent decades, Corsica has developed a thriving tourism industry, which has attracted a sizeable number of immigrants to the island in search of employment. |
| Corsica is currently governed almost as any other région of France, as explained in the introduction. There are several movements on the island calling for some degree of Corsican autonomy from France, or even full independence. Generally speaking, autonomist proposals focus on the promotion of the Corsican language, more power for local governments, and some exemptions from national taxes in addition to those already applying to Corsica. |

| The French government is opposed to full independence, as it would threaten France's unity, but has at times shown support for some level of autonomy. There is support on the island for proposals of greater autonomy, but polls show that a large majority of Corsicans are opposed to full independence. |
| Some groups who claim to support Corsican independence have carried out a violent campaign since the 1970s that includes bombings and a few assassination attempts, usually targeting pieds-noirs and other non-Corsicans, or buildings and officials representing the French government. The peaceful occupation of a pied-noir vineyard in Aléria in 1975 marked a turning point when the French government responded with overwhelming force, generating sympathy for the independence groups among the Corsican population. However, events such as the murder of préfet Claude Érignac on February 6, 1998 (for which Yvan Colonna was arrested five years later) have only served to convince many in Corsica, as well as in the French government and the general French public, that Corsican nationalists cannot be trusted with more autonomy. Recent attacks on Muslims have reinforced this opinion. |
| The attacks of Corsican nationalists, of course, are the consequence of the Paris centralist denationalization policy towards the Corsican people. The opinion is created by press and TV, which are financed from public funds and never report in favour of truth and righteousness. |
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| Who are the pieds-noirs? They are Algerian-born French people, who had to leave Algeria, when it became independent. The French government settled them in great numbers in Corsica, in order to denationalize the indigenous people. Corsicans opposed in a violent way. |
| In 2000, Prime Minister Lionel Jospin agreed to grant increased autonomy to Corsica in exchange for an end to violence. The proposed autonomy for Corsica would have included greater protection for the Corsican language - Corsu, the island's traditional language (which is also considered to be a dialect of Italian), whose practice and teaching, like other regional or minority languages in France, had in the past been discouraged. According to the UNESCO classification, the Corsican language is currently in danger of becoming extinct. However, the plans for increased autonomy were opposed by the Gaullist opposition in the French National Assembly, who feared that they would lead to calls for autonomy from other régions (such as Brittany or Alsace), eventually threatening France's unity as a country. |
| In a referendum on July 6, 2003, a narrow majority of Corsican voters opposed a project from the government of Jean-Pierre Raffarin and Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy that would have suppressed the two départements of the island and granted greater autonomy to the territorial collectivity of Corsica. |
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The flag of Occitania
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| Occitania |
Gascon
| Present-day area where the Occitan language is spoken. It is about a linguistically mixed area, where Occitan became a minority language in contrast to French. |
Tolosa
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| Tolosa - Toulouse, the historical and cultural centre of Occitania |
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| + S' RAIMUNDI DUCIS NARBONE COMITIS TOLOSE MARCHIONIS PROVINCIE |
Lomagne
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| Occitanian provinces |
Bèziers
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| Bèziers, March17, 2007, manifestations for recognition of the identity of Occitania |
| The Occitan political movement for self-government has existed since the beginning of the 20th century and particularly since post-war years - Partit Occitan and many others. The movement remains negligible in electoral and political terms. At a time of Europe's emerging, it wishes Occitania to become a federation of strong regions, with a lively culture and open to the world. Major demonstrations in Carcassonne (2005) and Bèziers (2007) and the week-long Estivada festival in Rodez (2006) suggest that there is a revival of Occitan language and culture. However, in France, Occitan is still not recognized as an official language, as the status of French is constitutionally protected. |
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| A Free Wales |
| Like in the case of Slovenia, Wales, too, will very probably declare independence in foreseeable time. |
| Carantha |
| Plaid Cymru the Party of Wales believes that our current toothless Assembly should be replaced by a Peoples Parliament for Wales. By giving the people of Wales the tools to do the job we can improve the health and wealth of our people. |

| The autonomous province of Wales - Cymru of 2.950.000 population (2005). Wales is officialy blingual, with English and Welsh language. The Welsh Language Act 1993 and the Government of Wales Act 1998 provide that the Welsh and English languages should be treated on a basis of equality. |
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| Cardiff, chieftown of Wales |
| Plaid believes that every person living in Wales is a citizen of Wales, whatever their background, wherever they were born, whatever the colour of their skin, whatever language they speak. We are about building a better Wales and to do that we need everybody here to make that commitment to Wales. All Labour want to do is to talk Wales down and plant scare stories that we wouldnt do better running our own affairs. Plaid Cymru's View: |
| We believe that the people of Wales are sovereign and that it is our right to determine our own future |
| We believe that the current New Labour designed Assembly is an utter shambles due to its lack of power and lack of direction |
| In the longer term we believe Wales should take its place among the nations of the world as a free and independent country |
| Wales place is at the heart of Europe and as such we strongly believe in cooperation amongst European countries. |
| We have consistently argued for the democratisation of the European Union if it is truly to succeed then it must be a Peoples Europe rather than a Bureaucrats Europe. |
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| Title of the Cardiff daily. It is the British oligarchy, who pulls the wires of the mass media which controls the public mind. The majority of them cannot imagine an independent Wales. |
| Economic Success |
| Plaid Cymru the Party of Wales believes that the current Barnett Formula for the funding of Wales is outdated and unfair. It is not a question of whether Wales can afford to be independent but whether it can afford NOT to be independent. |
| In the 21st century economy small country success is everywhere to be seen. Eight of the ten richest countries in the world by GDP have populations under 10 million. |
| Plaid Cymru's views: |
| The Barnett Formula used to calculate the amount of public expenditure devolved to Wales is based on population rather than needs of Wales. Under the current devolution settlement the Barnett Formula should be altered to ensure a fairer funding formula for Wales. |
| We support fully the Richard Commission Report which recommended an extension of the powers of the Assembly, to include primary law-making powers on devolved issues like the Scottish Parliament. |
| However, our ultimate constitutional aim is to secure independence for Wales in Europe. This would require the support of the Welsh people expressed through a referendum, and would involve full national status for Wales within the EU and the UN. |
| Wales should have the powers to vary taxation and control its own economy in order to mirror the success of other small European nations |
| To benefit fully in the global market, Wales needs to develop its own laws and institutions, set its own tax rates and represent itself at international institutions. |
| Carantha: |
| Recently, as Slovenia recognized the independence of Kosovo, it was expressly pointed out during the parliamentary discussion, that each nation has the right for self-determination. So, we are confident that Slovenia would be among the first states to recognize the independence of Wales. |
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| The Independence of Catalonia |
| The Economic Viability |
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| Catalonia is one of the countries, to which independent Slovenia sets a shining example. This is an article which clearly states why more and more nations are striving toward independence. Because of expropriation by centralistic structures. |
| Once upon a time, there was a country with a 6 million population, with an area of 40,000 square kilometres. The country had as next door neighbour's two big European powers, traditionally colonists, whose languages were a constant threat to the existence of the local language. The auto-governed population was being forced to speak and use two (or more) languages. The capita growth of this country was high, one of the highest of the world, a complete economic success. Is this science fiction or reality? |
| When we speak about the independence of Catalonia , the first question that a non-economist individual would ask me (being an economist myself) is "if Catalonia would be viable" to sustain itself as an independent nation. If Catalonia would not be viable as an independent economy, the description on the first paragraph would be science fiction and therefore it would not exist. But, the country that I have described is an actual fact and it is a country that exists and it is independent: I am talking about Switzerland. |
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| Catalonia inside of Spain |
| Switzerland has a 6 million population and approximately 40,000 square kilometres. Switzerland borders with Germany and France, two European powers, traditionally colonists and the local language, the Swiss-German (which is different to German) is being threatened by the French and German languages (and Italian as well, which is spoken by a very small minority in the south of the country). So, before we even begin to talk, you can see that the arguments given against the viability of Catalonia as an independent nation are basically erroneous: if Switzerland is viable (and not only it is but it is also the second richest country of the world) why wouldn't Catalonia be, if also, our country is not up in a range of mountains, has a sea port and it has an easier access to the rest of the world? |
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| Barcelona, the church of Sagrada Familia projected by Antoni Gaudi is still under construction. It is a reflection of spiritual and creative power of the Catalonian people, who are striving for independence. |
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| Catalonia, still an autonomous province, but with an unrestrained striving after independence |
| Economic progress is gained by a creative population willing to work, a legal system that guarantees investors property rights, incentives to companies to innovate and to adopt new technology. An educational system which helps the population to be more productive and a good government who encourages internal and external trading and never sinks a productive economy with excessive taxes, with a fair bureaucracy and intolerable corruption and maintains a fiscal and monetary stability. From this point of view, the independence would not be a positive one if, a supposed government and Catalonian institutions, would not demonstrate their capability to fulfill the above points or if these could actually be worse than the ones from a Spanish government. Today we do not know how a Catalonian government would do it. What we know for certain is that the way it has been done previously and how the Spanish government is currently doing it. And the truth is that the cards dealt are not in favour of the Spanish people. |
| Recent history shows us that the independence of Catalonia is more and more viable every day. Some recent studies show that the increase of international trading is linked with economic viability of new countries. The argument is that international trading is a good substitute to a political union as an enlarging tool from the markets and as the international markets keep growing, is less necessary to have a large country to be able to sell the products in a way that when the international trading increases, so to the independent tendencies. In an article previously written at Harvard University, professors Alesina and Wackier have demonstrated that in the 20th century recent history these tendencies are confirmed, which means that, not only the independence of Catalonia is possible but is positively possible. |
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| Montserrat, a monastic extraterritorial enclave beneath Catalonia. It is the Catalonian spiritual centre, and during the dictatorship of gen. Franco, only in Monserrat Catalan was used as the official administrative language. |
| With what I have written, I have tried to leave aside the nationalism and patriotism to exclusively focus in the economic viability of a Catalonian state. I am not saying that the independence would be a wish come true (this would be a different topic) or that there are non-economic arguments that need to be looked up when we ask for it. What I am definitely saying is that there should not be any doubts about the independence being completely achievable from an economic point of view. |
| And this is true even when we take into account the financial crisis that some (not all) of the countries have been through recently. |
| An important economic argument that needs to be used when you weigh the costs and benefits of independence, which is the fiscal deficit. The recent study from "L'Institut d'Estudis Autonomics" estimates that the Catalonian fiscal deficit in respect to Spain during the 90's has been approximately 900,000 million pesetas (even though the current tendency has decreased, the amount continues to be spectacular). |
| What does this mean? Well, the Catalonians pay certain taxes to Madrid. From these taxes, a quantity comes back to Catalonia for public expenses, social benefits, etc. Another quantity, however, stays in Madrid and never comes back. This is the Catalonian fiscal deficit, and all these moneys add up to around 900,000 million pesetas during the 90's. |
| To understand how much 900,000 million pesetas are, divide this amount by a population of 6 million and the total would be 150,000 pesetas per person. This means that a typical Catalonian family of 4 (father, mother and 2 children) pay every year 600,000 pesetas to Madrid that never comes back. Can the readers please ask themselves what would they do with 600,000 pesetas extra every year? : Go to Disney World (the one in Florida, not the one in Paris) with the whole family every summer? |
| Buy a bigger house (600,000 pesetas every year are 50,000 pesetas every month that can be used to ask for a loan for a bigger and more luxurious property)? Or, buy a car worth 1.2 million pesetas every two years? Or, buy a BMW every five years? A lot of things can be done with 600,000 pesetas every year, can't they? Well, forget it, because this money is not coming back to Catalonia, and this is a very important economical cost. |
| The main benefit is this sham, they tell us, is the interregional solidarity. But one thing is solidarity, and this thing is, that they steal your wallet out of your pocket. |
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| Why Scotland needs Independence? |
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| Does the Slovenian example incite also Scotland? |
| Carantha: |
| In 1999, after an absence of 292 years, Scotland regained her Parliament. It has very limited powers and responsibilities, with major policy (taxation, economy, transport, defence, foreign policy, broadcasting) still decided by Westminster - but it is a Parliament nonetheless. For nearly 300 years Scotland had been completely trapped in an unequal political Union with England and Wales (the United Kingdom) that eroded Scottish ideals, institutions and her economy. These web pages were originally created in the heat of the political battles of 1996/97, with the aim of raising awareness and the profile of the Scottish Issue - whether it was the negative effects of London Rule, or the silencing of Scottish dissent - these were all hard fought points that had to be made. That debate has moved on, underpinned by the bulwark of a new limited Parliament. |