| The entomologist as philosopher - Bass-baritone Marcos Fink | |
| The Zither | |
| The Musical Identity of Middle Europe | |
| Awards for the "Jacobus Gallus" Choir from Trieste | |
| The Song of a Styrian Shepherd | |
| Slovenian Music |
| Vinko Vodopivec |
| Jacobus Handl Gallus (1550 - 1591) |
| Marij Kogoj (1892 - 1956) |
| The Avsenik Band |
| Ansambel SVIT (http://www.ansambel-svit.com/) |
| Muzika in Izvor Slovencev - Robert Vrcon | |
| Walter Ostanek | |
| The entomologist as philosopher |
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| A Slovene from Argentina: Bass-baritone Marcos Fink is singing today at the Staatsoper "Der geduldige Sokrates" |
| Aus der Berliner Morgenpost vom 29. September 2007 |
| German text: |
| A person like Marcos Fink does not have to study philosophy. One, who is tossed about in life's currents in such a way, has wisdom in the blood. And without any effort he personifies Telemanns "Geduldigen Sokrates". Because Fink had to practice patience for a long time, before his talent was really discovered. At the time, in 1990, he worked in Buenos Aires as an agricultural engineer, and had already accomplished a 16 year long university career in the field of entomology: Insect scientist. Thus, he was multicoloured enough for the opera world. And since the temptation for art was greater than a safe position for life, he changed jobs. |
| Making changes in life was always a strength of the Fink family. One could have regarded them as born Gauchos, if they were not originally from Slovenia. The parents of the meanwhile very successful Bass-baritone left their homeland at the end of war. "The communists had monopolized the resistance", the singer describes, "in 1945 my father realized that he could not remain in Slovenia? As a catholic, he would immediately have been singled out as a class enemy. As a catholic he had no problems in Buenos Aires, but as a father of six children. Those wanted to be fed. And besides, they were also talented! "My parents suffered very much, when they discovered my talent, but could not finance any schooling. But we sang together often in our family. I had a very happy childhood." |
| The young Fink sang in choirs, studied also singing in due form - for ten years he was a member of the Slovenian vocal group Karantania, directed by Maria Fink-Gerzinic - and at the end he decided himself for a bread-winning occupation. Now and then his family wanted also to eat and not only listen to Schubert. By the way, he feels related with the Viennese composer." There are very strong ancient Austrian traditions in Slovenia and also in our family. The Finks probably came 400 years ago from Bavaria." With the "Winterreise", sung in Slovenian, he recently proved that Austrian and Slovenian culture have the same root - after all, the Lipizzaner in Austria originated from a Slovenian stud farm! |
| He must have made an even bigger impression in Austria at the end of the 80's, when he intonated a tango on his sister's wedding. With this Fink began his international career, the National Theater Salzburg contracted him for two years. With Renee Jacobs, the conductor of "Sokrates", Fink already practiced music for ten years. |
| Since 1994, the Argentine Slovene lives in the homeland of his ancestors, in Ljubljana. Whether he is missing Buenos Aires? "For me, as a refugee child, the melancholy and Larmoyanz of the Argentines was always strange", he answers. "We could not afford such things, we were always struggling. Now, seen from a different perspective, I discover the beauty and poetry of the Argentine mentality." And how deeply he discovered it! On a record, which Marcos made together with his sister Bernarda Fink, "Canciones Argentinas" are celebrated, songs by Piazzolla, Guastavino and Buchardo. For us it is a new musical continent. For Marcos Fink a piece of the past, which he carries around with him like Slovenia, like Schubert and the Austrian Monarchy. |
| The connecting element between everything is the music, is Fink's elegant, full chamber singer voice. It will lend an additional eloquence to Sokrates. "He was one of the greatest philosophers of the Occident. Who personifies him, must not slip off into comedy", the singer warns. "Therefore, I do not permit myself any Basso-buffo-manners, no exaggerating and pressing of the voice. Everything has to be sung in a noble way." Exactly the way, as one knows it from the Slovene from Argentina. |
| Marcos Fink is regularly invited to sing as soloist in oratorios and has performed in concert halls in Buenos Aires, Paris, Vienna, Madrid, Barcelona, Geneve, Prag, Bratislava, Ljubljana, Strasbourg, Lisbon, Milano, Zagreb, Tokyo ... |
| In Ljubljana, he regularly participates in the production and recording of oratorios of Slovenian and other nationality authors for the Slovenian Philharmony, Slovenian RTV Symphonic Orchestra and vocal concerts given by the Slovenian Chamber Choir. With this choir Marcos Fink participates in the recording of the project "Musica sacra slovenica". |
| German text: |
| Der Insektenkundler als Philosoph |
| Ein Slowene aus Argentinien: Bass-Bariton Marcos Fink singt heute an der Staatsoper in "Der geduldige Sokrates" |
| Einer wie Marcos Fink muss nicht Philosophie studieren. Wer so herumgeweht wird vom Leben, hat die Weisheit im Blut. Und verkörpert mühelos Telemanns "Geduldigen Sokrates". Denn in Geduld hat sich Fink lange üben müssen, bevor sein Talent wirklich entdeckt wurde. Zu dem Zeitpunkt, 1990 nämlich, war er in Buenos Aires als Landwirtschafts-Ingenieur tätig, hatte bereits eine 16jährige Hochschulkarriere im Fachbereich Entomologie hinter sich: Insektenkunde. Bunt genug war er also schon für die Opernwelt. Und da ihm die Verlockungen der Kunst mehr zusagten als eine sichere Lebensstellung, sattelte er um. |
| Umsatteln ist überhaupt eine Stärke der Familie Fink. Man könnte sie für geborene Gauchos halten, stammten sie nicht aus Slowenien. Die Eltern des mittlerweile sehr erfolgreichen Bassbaritons verließen bei Kriegsende ihre Heimat. "Die Kommunisten hatten den Widerstand monopolisiert", erläutert der Sänger, "mein Vater begriff 1945, dass er nicht in Slowenien bleiben konnte - er wäre als Katholik sofort zum Klassenfeind erklärt worden." Als Katholik hatte er in Buenos Aires keine Probleme, aber als Vater von sechs Kindern. Die wollten erst einmal ernährt sein. Und dann waren sie auch noch begabt! "Meine Eltern haben sehr gelitten, als sie mein Talent entdeckten, aber keine Förderung finanzieren konnten. Aber wir haben in der Familie viel zusammen gesungen. Meine Kindheit war sehr glücklich." |
| Der junge Fink sang in Chören, studierte auch ganz vorschriftsmäßig Gesang - und entschied sich am Ende für einen Brotberuf. Seine Familie wollte hin und wieder auch mal was essen und nicht nur Schubert hören. Mit dem Wiener Komponisten fühlt er sich übrigens verwandt. "Es gibt in Slowenien und auch in unserer Familie sehr starke alt-österreichische Traditionen. Die Finken selbst kamen wahrscheinlich vor 400 Jahren aus Bayern." Mit einer auf Slowenisch gesungenen "Winterreise" bewies er unlängst, dass sich beide Kulturen zum Verwechseln ähnlich sind - schließlich hat ja Österreich auch die aus einem slowenischen Gestüt stammenden Lipizzaner eingemeindet! |
| Noch größeren Eindruck muss er in Austria Ende der 80er Jahre gemacht haben, als er auf der Hochzeit seiner Schwester einen Tango intonierte. Damit begann Finks internationale Karriere, das Landestheater Salzburg verpflichtete ihn für zwei Jahre. Mit René Jacobs, dem Dirigenten des "Sokrates", musizierte Fink bereits vor zehn Jahren. |
| Seit 1994 lebt der argentinische Slowenier in der Heimat seiner Vorfahren, in Ljubljana. Ob er Buenos Aires nicht vermisst? "Mir als Flüchtlingskind war die Melancholie und Larmoyanz der Argentinier immer fremd", antwortet er. "Wir konnten uns so etwas nicht leisten, mussten immer kämpfen. Jetzt aus der Ferne entdecke ich aber die Schönheit und Poesie der argentinischen Mentalität." Und wie er sie entdeckt! Auf einer fulminanten Platte, die Marcos gemeinsam mit seiner Schwester Bernarda Fink aufgenommen hat, werden "Canciones Argentinas" zelebriert, Lieder von Piazzolla, Guastavino und Buchardo. Für uns ein neuer musikalischer Kontinent. Für Marcos Fink ein Stück Vergangenheit, die er mit sich herumträgt wie Slowenien, wie Schubert und die K.u.K.-Monarchie. |
| Das verbindende Element zwischen allem ist die Musik, ist Finks elegante, volle Kammersängerstimme. Sie wird dem Sokrates zusätzliche Eloquenz verleihen. "Er war einer der größten Philosophen des Abendlandes. Wer ihn spielt, darf nicht in die Komödie abgleiten", warnt der Sänger. "Deswegen gestatte ich mir überhaupt keine Basso-buffo-Manieren, kein Übertreiben und Pressen der Stimme. Alles muss nobel gesungen sein." Eben so, wie man es von dem Slowenen aus Argentinien kennt. |
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| The Zither |
| A popular musical instrument in Slovenia |
| Dr. Joko avli |
| The Drone zither is a Slovenian type of zither. In different dialects, it is also known as vrkovnce, plece, pile, drskalce, drsovnca, and by other names. It is played by plucking only the melodic strings, while the bass ones freely resonate as drone. |
| This zither, usually produced by the zitherists themselves, appeared no later than in the 19th century. Today it is almost completely unplayed. Slovenian musicians have always held a preference for the more refined concert zithers. One of the musical groups that still uses the drone zither is the folk group Tolovaj Mataj. |
| The zither is one of the most ancient stringed instruments and was already known in remote ages. In Egypt, for example, during the period of king Ptolemy I (323 283 BC) in Alexandria, an orchestra, suitable for a solemn performance, was composed of ca. 600 musicians, including a proper complement of 300 zitherists. Egyptian kings learned to play this musical instrument, as it has been mentioned in the books of ancient prophets. At that time, the right-angled small resonance chest was called a chetarah. To the Arabians it was known under the name of citharawas. From there it was brought to Europe by the Crusaders. |
| It is a guitar-like instrument, which obviously is a combination of the Arabic lute and the zither. The last issue of the one-time very ramified zither family has been the Alpine people's zither. In Slovenian language, they are generally known as citre (pron. zitre), pl., irrespectively of the fact, if they were elaborated at home or by an artisan. The number of strings is not defined. They are tuned in a different way. |
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| In Slovenia, at the end of the 19th century, in particular in small towns and boroughs the concert zither was well-liked and inspired people to make music at home. It was most commonly used in the German-speaking area of Austria (ancient Carantania). Regardless, if German or Slovenian countryside, the zither was also elaborated at home. It is most likely, that the zither was a very popular Carantanian musical instrument. |
| In the Middle Ages, the zither was widely diffused across the whole of Carantania. It played an important role in Slovenian ballads, and it was almost everywhere present in people's life, from marriages and funerals to religious ceremonies, folk music and ballad-like reciting about queens and kings. A response on a questionnaire from 1838 reveals, that at that time in Postojna, the zither was the most favorite instrument being played. In 1846, the Goth Topography quotes, that in Humperk on Drava and in mihel near Mozirje people danced to the zither's melodies. |
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| Alpine zither |
| In the period before the First World War, the first zither schools were introduced in Slovenia. The art of playing the zither was also taught by private teachers. One of those highly respected professionals was Ivan Kiferle, who published 12 tomes of Slovenian songs, all redacted for the zither. Between WW1 and WW2 people's interest for the zither gradually disappeared. After the war it became popular anew, but in a different way. The »Slovenian Alpine« zither blends harmoniously with the sounds of guitar and bass-viol, and soloists, like Miha Dovan, bring a new sound of indigenous folk music to Slovenia and the world. |
| Scholars say, that at one time the zither could be found in almost every Slovenian home. Slovenian zither schools at the end of the 19th century inspired the general public. Musical literature for zither included instructions for playing and diverse compositions. They mostly ranged from folk tunes to patriotic songs. Major music schools, however, do not teach this instrument, because it does not pertain to the orchestral art parts. |
| Songs for zither originated in all provinces, where Slovenians live. They are a living image of a one-time life style, they are humorous, merry and mournful. They are for lads and girls, for religious life, freedom-loving people, and they sing also about the beauty of nature. |
| There are several movies, in which the authors adopted the zither. In fact, whenever one is longing for a blend of pleasure and intimate homeliness, he thinks about the zither. Perhaps, some compositions of Slovenian entertainment music use the zither as an important key element to achieve that special flavor of harmony. |
| So, from the dusty garretts this forgotten instrument made a come-back. Some of them already injured, others still in surprisingly good shape. Some extremely skilled workers, who had manually produced zithers, are coming back into the spot light, and they do not lack behind top producers of well-known enterprises. It has been said, that hand made zithers from Slovenia are of higher quality than the imported ones. And that the special position of fingers makes music harmony really beautiful, and above all it is »po nae« (our way), in Slovenian. (April 13, 2008) |
| The Musical Identity of Middle Europe |
| also in the sense of the historical legacy of the Veneti |
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| Prospectus with the program of the symposium, (title page) |
| Dr. Joko avli |
| Dr. Ivan Klemencic, the Chairman of the Musicological Institute, a department of the Scientific Research Centre of SAZU (the Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts), took the initiative to organize an international Symposium under the title "The Musical Identity of Central Europe", held on October 23rd and 24th, 2003, in Lublana (Slovenia). The invitations to attend the Symposium were issued last year in 2002, and no one could predict that they received such an overwhelming response. The participants came from Vienna, Bratislava, Prague, Munich, Warsaw, Budapest, Zagreb, Brescia (Italy), Chapell Hill (USA), Oxford, and Lublana. They presented the results of their researches in the frame of the above topic. |
| As an introductory essay to the symposium, Dr. Peter Vodopivec spoke about Middle Europe between myths and realty, and gave a historical review of the area. Then Dr. Joko avli presented his introductory essay and talked about Middle Europe in sense of the spiritual and cultural legacy from history and pre-history, and the role of the Veneti. Seen from the historical point of view, this theme represented a whole new outlook on the culture and spirituality of Europe, including the musical tradition. |
| The author, who explored this new field of research thoroughly, does not consider the cultural affinity of the Central European peoples as a consequence of the fact, that they for some centuries lived in a common State formation under the sceptre of the Habsburgs. On the contrary, he considers the peoples of Middle Europe in a prevailing manner as descendants of the pre-historic Veneti, the substrate of which remained preserved in different languages. Later, it is true, these peoples formed diverse linguistic groups and developed to the present-day modern nations, but the ancient Venetic substrate in them has been preserved to this day. |
| In his presentation, he leant towards the substrate theory, which Julius Pokorny, the well-known expert on this subject, presented in his essays after the Second World War. Julius Pokorny, a linguist and historian from Vienna, said among other things, that a nation, after having lost its proper language, still is living on and preserves its culture, albeit it speaks a different language... Dr. avli meant, through the agrarian culture, which was preserved until the 20th century, and which was the ancient substrate of the Veneti in all nations of Central Europe. It remained active and influenced in a very similar way the common spiritual, cultural, ethnological and also musical expressions of the nations. |
| Moreover, he ascribes the very similar spiritual tradition between the Middle European nations to the legacy of the ancient Veneti or Vends. Their spirituality, as he explains, comes from the common inner experience, which inspired so many creators. Very probably, this experience originates from the message of the Salvation, which the Veneti tried to bring to the world during their migrations after 1200 BC. In his opinion, this spiritual and cultural legacy, which has been preserved in the (Venetic) substrate of Middle Europe, influenced also Beethoven, Mozart, Chopin, Dvorak, Liszt and others. As to speak of the musical field only. |
| At the beginning of the symposium, Dr. Kajetan Gantar, the vice president of SAZU, said among other things in his allocution to the participants: Music is impartial, it is something that all people understand. |
| Awards for the "Jacobus Gallus" Choir from Trieste |

| Recently, in Vittorio Veneto (Ceneda) the 40th Italian Choir Competition took place, which also presented the Slovenian choir "Jacobus Gallus" from Trieste - Trst. The judges presented four awards to the Slovenian choir: the great award Efrem Casagrande, award for best program, the conductor award, as well as the award for best presentation in the folklore category. The choir "Jacobus Gallus", under its present day conductor Matja cek, consists of 40 singers. The grand award Efrem Casagrande is giving the choir the opportunity to participate in the prestigious international choir competition, which will be held in August 2005 in Arezzo (Toscana, Italy). The Carantha staff is congratulating the singers and the conductor on their great success! |
| The Song of a Styrian Shepherd |
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| On the picture above: Donacka gora (884 m) in Lower Styria. |
| Andrej Lenarcic |
| Prof. Krinar, a music reviewer, prepared a broadcast for which he received an award at a festival in France. In his broadcast he presented the song of a Slovenian shepherd from Styria, the motif of which the composer Haydn adopted in his "Hymn of the Empire", and it remained in use until 1918. Then, during the Weimar Republic it was taken over by Germany, and it is still today the hymn of the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1823, the composer Beethoven adopted the motif and reworked it in his Ode of Joy (An die Freude in German language). In 1993 Beethoven's hymn "An die Freude" was chosen as a common symbol of the European Union. So, today the whole world is silent, when the ancient Slovenian shepherd's song resounds . |
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| (cf: Echo, letters: Reader's comment on The Song of a Styrian Shepherd) |
| In its European setting |
| Dr. Joko avli |
| Slovenes encountered art music during the fifth century, when Christianization began to spread in the Duchy of Carantania in the Eastern Alps, where they dwelt. Along with Christianization were also liturgical hymns introduced. The cry-plea-call "Kyrie eleison" (Lord, have pity) was meant to divert the common people from their pagan singing and offer them direct participation in the divine worship. |
| The "Kyrie eleison" was the first plainchant that made a connection to the peoples' language, and became an essential element in shaping the melodic forms of medieval Slovene church songs that developed from the 11th to the I5th century. Even after the enthroning of the Carantanian Dukes at Krn Castle near Klagenfurt/Celovec, in present-day Carinthia (Austria), the ancient ritual songs in Slovenian language, like the "Kyrie eleison" and others, were sung. |
| During the medieval centuries, secular, vocal and instrumental music was also very much alive next to church music. A number of sources provide proof and information that for example, the minnesingers Ulrich von Liechtenstein was saluted in Slovenian tongue on his entrance in Carintha, and that Oswald von Wolkenstein was skilled in Slovenian and made use of the language himself, when both visited Slovenia. |
| Alongside art, religious and secular music, the Middle Ages were also important in the development of folk music. The common people nurtured this and developed even better skills the more the pressure grew to which they were subjected. Singing and playing folk instruments were just as popular as folk dances. |
| The music in Slovenia during the Middle Ages was an important activity. It expressed the original creativity of the people where it came from; it was also partly a reflection of foreign cultures that played an influential role in their lives. Evidence of composers for this period, who should be mentioned here, is lacking. |
| The Reformation during the second half of the 16th century was particularly significant for musical development, by using music as one of the most effective means to spread the new creed. Initially, the Slovenian Protestants required appropriate songs for the words with reformatory precepts. This requirement led to the realization of the first Slovenian hymnal "Eni Psalmi" (Some Psalms, 1567). With every supplement and addition, this hymnal enjoyed four subsequent editions in the years 1574, 1579, 1584 and 1595. |
| When singing the Protestant liturgy either unison or in parts, the lack of singers could be replaced by collaborating instruments. We may suppose that both, the Slovene Catholic and the Protestant circles did at least partially incline toward Renaissance reproduction. |
| During this time some Slovene born musicians sought after, and indeed found, better conditions to further their musical development outside of the country than at home. Many of them remain unknown, because they frequently Latinized, Romanized or Germanized their surnames. |
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| Jurij Sladkonja (1456 - 1522) was Bishop of Vienna and chief of the Court Chapel of the Emperor Maximilian I, that he directed since 1498. The chapel is represented on an image of series from Emperor Maximilan's Triumph Procession (woodcut by Hans Burgmair sr., 1512/18). Bishop Sladkonja is sitting in the background of the carriage. | |
| In the transition period from the 15th to the 16th century, among the ranking musicians shall be mentioned Jurij Slatkonja (1456 - 1522) from Ljubljana, who was "obrister Capellmeister" for the Vienna Court Chapel and also Bishop of Vienna. Numerous musicians of Slovenian origin, who were active in the various Central European towns, followed him. The most important of them was certainly Jacobus Gallus Carniolus (1550 - 1591). |
| Towards the 16th century the Counter Reformation had began to expel the Protestants from Slovenian lands. For a while the liveliness ceased, but soon it began again, although in some spheres it appeared largely altered than before. The leader of Counter Reformation, the Bishop T. Hren of Ljubljana, possessed a powerful sense for music, which was of equal importance for re-Catholization, as it had been for the Reformation. |
| During the first decade of 16th century, the number of musicians increased, which can be attributed to the efforts of the Jesuits who came to Ljubljana with Hren. They wrote plays and Passion processions, and established their own theatre with works, that presented biblical tales, which at first started out with only modest but later were increasingly rich accompanied by music. In order to do this singers and instrumentalists had to be educated by Jesuits in their own colleges. |
| Musical activity in Slovenia was very much alive in the 17th century. The bishop's chapel was still important, and the Jesuit theatrical presentations were particularly significant for the growth of musical production. Numerous names of organists, pipers and other musicians exist from those times, which were engaged in church musical choirs, in Jesuit theatrical performances and at other occasions. |
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| The seal of the Academia Philharmonicorum from Ljubljana (Slovenia) dating in 1700 |
| After 170l, similar to the Italian model, the "Academia Philharmonicorum" was founded in Ljubljana, made up of skilled musicians, instrumentalists and singers from both, the nobility and the middle class of the town. The initiator and founder was J. B. Hoffer (1667 - 1718). |
| During the first decades of 18th century musical life in Ljubljana offered a great variety of guest performances given by Italian opera singers. It is an interesting fact, that the first performance known to have occurred in Slovenia, is the one of the Chapel Master working for the Carniolan Vice-Dom, G. C. Bonomi, who evidently wrote an opera in Ljubljana entitled "Il Tamerlano", which was a "tragedia musica" performed in 1732. |
| Towards the beginning of the second half of the 18th century, the country suffered from economic crisis, which also left its imprint on the musical world in Slovenia and demanded substantial changes. The Academy of philharmonists began to falter, and cannot be traced anymore after 1719. In 1773 the Order of Jesuits was dismantled, and consequently all their theatrical activities and stunning rich musical performances. |
| After 1768 German theatre companies began to perform in the Lubljana Provincial Theatre, desirous to diminish the influence of Italian opera through their own Singspiel. But they remained unsuccessful in their endeavour. The social atmosphere in Slovenia at that time was cosmopolitan in a western European sense, and the more clearly defined national question of identity did not disturbed them. |
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| The postage stamp issued for the 200-anniversay of the founding of the "Philharmonische Gesellschaft" of Ljubljana (1794 - 1994), which followed the Academia. The stamp bears images of its honorable members: Beethoven, Brahms, Dvoøak, Haydn, Paganini. | |
| Nevertheless, in 1794 a new philharmonic society was established entitled under the German name "'Philharmonische Gesellschaft", in German language, which became not only the most important society in the then Habsburg Monarchy, but the language was also spoken among the citizens of Ljubljana besides Slovenian. This Philharmonic Society was one of the firsts in Central Europe. It possessed an orchestra and singers, and planed to have solo performances of quality. Regardless of social rank, nationality or artistic views, it opened its doors wide to all capable musicians. |
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| The end of the letter that Ludwig van Beethoven wrote to the Academia Philharmonicorum in 1819 |
| At the beginning of the eighties of that century J. Zupan (1734 - 1810) wrote his opera "Belin" based on a Slovene text by J. D. Dev. His music has not been preserved, but it was apparently Baroque. Some ten years later, around 1790, J. K. Novak (ca. 1756 - 1833) wrote a musical accompaniment to a comedy of Linhart, entitling it Figaro. His composition was in Rococo. |
| In the first half of the 19th century, in the Classicism, a great part of active composers in Slovenia were foreigners. |
| In the Romanticism during the forties of that century, under the influence of the awakening Slovene national movement the situation began essentially to alter... By means of music the national conscience was to be aroused. Through the centuries Slovenes had been linked with western European music. Then, the western, in this phase Romantic music, was useless for the fresh, nationally conditioned tasks in Slovenia. |
| A different, simple style of composition, a tangible music was required, melodically attractive, with enthusiastically patriotic texts. At the same time this ought to be the foundation stone for Slovenian adjusted originality that was not identical in style or technique. |
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| From 1848 onwards there was issued in Slovenia a collection of musical works called "Slovenska gerlica" (Slovenian Turtle-Dove), and since 1878 the "Cerkveni glasnik" (Church Herald magazine) with church music compositions also began to be published. | |
| The national stamp characterizes the Romanticism in Slovenia. Here and there the simple Lieder (songs) and small pieces added life to Slovene gatherings called "Besede" (Allocutions), from the March revolution of 1848 onwards through the decades, rendering the publication of "Slovenska gerlica" (Slovenian Turtle-Dove) possible, a collection of undemanding works available from then on to the Slovene people. |
| From the sixties onwards, various factors contributed to the development and spread of Slovene music and made the presentation of Slovene creative works possible. These included, among others, the "Glasbena Matica" (The Musical Association, 1872), that published original Slovene compositions, arranged concerts and planed a music school, and the ''Cecilijino drutvo" (Cecilian Society, 1877) whit its aim of promoting Slovene church music, achieved through the magazine ''Cerkveni glasbenik" (Church Harald magazine, 1878), and other publications. In 1892 and under the auspices of the Provincial Theatre in Ljubljana, the Slovene "Opera" began. |
| In Slovenia, the German minority, composed of influential classes of townspeople, insisted to remain on the musical scene. However, its leaning toward Germanification became more and more obvious and caused frictions within the Slovene regions. |
| In opposition to the German "'Philharmonische Gesellschaft" was the Slovene "Glasbena Matica", in concept much broader then its German counterpart. Consequently, German production and reproduction diminished considerably, whilst both flourished for Slovenes. During the last four decades of the 19th century, a generation of numerous Slovene Romantics developed. |
| Romanticism in Slovenia extended into the 20th century. The composers produced a variety of works. Particular alive was the church song which embraced wide social classes, creating during the festival days a feeling full of glory and deep experiences. |
| The transition into the 20th century was an about-turn characterised by conception of an artistic form more appropriate for the European situation. A retreat from what had been until then customary, and a more conscious move towards the new began to be brought about by the music magazine "Novi akordi" (New Chords). The editor preferred a powerful initiative for a drawing closer to contemporary western European music. |
| In the European music world Impressionism was already taking effect. But this style never found any broader or former base in Slovenia. Current artistic principles of post-Romanticism, Expressionism and neo-Classicism were becoming effective much more successfully. The first was still linked with traditional work, enriching it with fresh possibilities of sound; the second two heralded a break with the past and the start of Slovene musical Modernism. This signified complete inclusion into the European scene. |
| This period saw composers enter the Slovene musical scene one after the other, who had the fresh artistic desires at heart just before the World War I. |
| The first one to indicate this, was Marij Kogoj (1892 - 1956), with his characteristic Lieder, choirs, piano works and opera "Crne maske" (Black Masks, 1927), in which the composer asserted Expressionism upon a Romantically coloured background. This too, as realized by this author, fundamentally shook the still well-rooted in tradition Slovene music of the twenties. - It was even more disturbed by Slavko Osterc (1895 - 1941). He brought stylistic Expressionism and new-Classicism onto the Slovene musical scene, making current the principles of twelve-tone systematic, athematics, atonality and arrhythmic. |
| Kogoj and Osterc differed from each other, but both represented the new movement. Contemporary European music confirmed the validity of this new way. |
| After World War II, on one hand various phases of work inclined to Romanticism continued, on the other hand a tendency towards academism and socrealism (Socialistischer Realismus) appeared. During the fifties a new situation arose. |
| The earlier writers of music worked respecting their former artistic views. Composers appearing after the World Word II were in diverse in style and definition. Even more numerous were those accepting the Modernist teaching and personally devoted themselves to the principles of European post-war endeavours. But the bond with the Slovene emotional space can be detected in almost all of them, alongside the universal concept. |
| Vinko Vodopivec |
| Master of the Slovenian Church Song |
| 1878 - 1952 |
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| Dr. Joko avli |
| He was born in1878, in the locality of Rocinj near Kanal in the Soca (Isonzo) Valley, in the province of Gorica (Goerz, Gorizia). It was still in the period of the Habsburg Monarchy. His father originated from the Vipava Valley and was an organist. Vinko (Vincent) was the eldest son in a family of ten children. Later, the family transferred to Grgar, a village, which is found under the famous pellegrinage (place of pilgremage) of Sveta gora (682 m), the Holy Mountain that raises above the city of Gorica. |
| From his early youth Vinko was very inclined to church music. His father gave him his first lessons, and at the age of 12 he was able to accompany the church choir on the organ. Then, Vinko attended the gymnasium in Gorica, and in those years his interest in music grew steadily. |
| After the general examination in 1898, he entered the Catholic seminar in Gorica, and in 1901 he was consecrated priest. After various positions in the service he was appointed vicar in the village of Kromberk (Cronberg), east of Gorica, where he remained all his life. When in 1936 the vicariate was elevated to a parish, he became the parish priest there. |
| After WW1, when the province of Gorica came under Italy, Vinko Vodopivec was incessantly under observation of the Italian Police (Questura). One of the reports states, that he "is composing church music under pretext, but in reality he is carrying out an efficient propaganda for the Slav appurtenance..." It was in the period, when the Italian Fascist regime tried to suspend the Slovenian language and to Italianize the Slovenian inhabitants in the province of Gorica as well as those, who lived in the provinces of Trieste and of Istria. These provinces represented the ancient land of Littoral. Despite of that, they even received a new name, i.e., "Julian Venice" (Venezia Giulia). It should indicate that this territory traditionally appertained to Venice and with that to Italy, which never was the case. |
| The statements of the Questura were wrongly explained, but they were essentially correct. The cultural and musical creativity of Slovenians, who had to live under Italy at that time, were responding to the persecution of the Italian Fascist regime. After 1924, the regime forbade to speak Slovenian in public, suspended all Slovenian schools, banks and savings institutions. During the time of general persecution, only the church remained open, which was not under the competence of the civil authority. Only there was it possible to perform the Slovenian mass and to sing. So, Slovenian composers dedicated their forces to create church songs and music. It was the period, when it reached its summit in Littoral. Never before were people so inspired by them as in those days. |
| In this regard, Vinko Vodopivec was seen as the leading composer. He also composed secular songs, as for example Žabe (Frogs). The inspiration for this melody came to him in exile during WW1, when he was stationed at Cerknica (east of Postojna), where one can find a large periodic lake, and listen to quaking frogs in the evening. The song conjures up a very naturalistic imagination, very frequently carried out by the temporal choirs. |
| However, his compositions were mostly destined for church music. In his creative energy, he intentionally left aside the high composition and wrote for the everyday people. They performed his compositions with great enthusiasm. Sundays and feasts, to which he also made contributions, became the very experience for the masses. It must have been the time, when the saying appeared: "Who sings beautiful, prays twice!" Indeed, the church song became the most important way of praying, which reached deeply in the soul. One says: It goes to the heart. The songs and compositions expressed a somewhat romantic melody and rhythm, their message was very well understood by the people. Sometimes one felt the sensation as if a rift was opening in the door to heaven, and that a ray of celestial glory reached the earth. |
| I remember, when I was still very young in the period after the WW2, already under the Communist regime, the song Biser (Pearl), which Vinko Vodopivec composed based on the text of a mystical poem, written by the poetess, Mother Elisabeth (Kremzar), an Ursuline nun. It begins with the soprano: I found the pearl of a great splendour, such could not be found in the deep sea... followed by the alto: The earth did not get it, and neither the royal family... And then both voices joined in duo: All the people glorified it, this pearl is the Holy Host. - Much later I found out that already in the ancient Christendom the "pearl" was a symbol of Christ, because, after being brought from the depth of the sea, it reflects the light. - Indeed, it seems, that the song brought on some moments of celestial glory, when the faithful went to Communion, and the last verses of Mother Elisabeth's song resounded under the church arches: All praised Him in a silent prayer, and thousands of angels stood around. - |
| Vinko Vodopivec had an excellent understanding of the mystical message of the poem, and he composed it in a touching song. |
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| Bozji spevi (Divine songs), the collection of Slovenian church songs, published in Gorica 1929 |
| The collection Boji spevi (Divine Songs, 1929), which he edited during the great Fascist repression, contains church songs of Slovenian composers including his own. Soon followed another collection called Gospodov dan (Lord's Day, 1930). Then, Zdrava Marija (Ave Maria, 1933) was published and some years later also Svete pesmice (Sacred Ditties, 1940). All collections were published in Gorica, but they were also spread over other parts of Slovenian lands, and were accepted enthusiastically by the population. The collection from 1929 contains also his song dedicated to Jesus Heart - Boje milostno srce... (God's merciful heart...). Still today, it is very popular among the people. |
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| Gospodov dan (Lord's Day), the second collection of Slovenian church songs, Gorica 1930 |
| In one of these collections we find also a series of melodies concerning the Benediction - Tantum ergo sacramentum..., in Slovenian: V zakramentu vseh sladkosti... They were composed by several composers, who in this way approached the sacramental experience in the people. Indeed, they succeeded with a series of melodies, which started with the very simple, sang by all people, and reached the more elevated, which only could be sang by choirs. |
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| Zdrava Marija (Ave Maria), the third collection, Gorica 1933 |
| The Slovenian Mass on Sundays was in this way a very feast in a feast. In Littoral, during the period between WW1 and WW2, when the Italian Fascist regime suspended all Slovenian cultural life, the Slovenian church song remained. It was a sign of national survival. Vinko Vodopivec with his work made decisive contributions in this respect. |
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| Svete pesmice (Holy Ditties), the fourth collection, Gorica 1940 |
| His musical creative energy was enormous, and some critics say: Why did the Church authority not let him study music? His compositions would have been of very high standard! - In fact, he composed some masses: Missa in honorem nativitatis B.M.V. (1914), Missa in honorem ss. Cordis Iesu (1933), and others. His collections of songs for mixed choir is most numerous, besides those dedicated to St. Mary. He honoured particularly Heart Jesus - Pesmi v cast presv. Srcu Jezusovemu (Songs in Honour to the Sacred Heart Jesus, Ljubljana 1937), Deset pesmi v cast presv. Srcu Jezusovemu (Ten Songs in Honour to Sacred Heart Jesus, Ljubljana 1938)... It is true, his compositions are somewhat romantic. He did not search for new ways of expression in the vocal music. But he carried out his task, so that the people of all walks of life experienced the divine message through his songs, and their sentiments were elevated to a very high cultural level. |
| After WW2, when the larger part of Littoral territory came under Yugoslavia, the new Communist regime began to suspend church choirs and to discriminate against faithful people. Such persecution continued publicly for some years, but the underground persecuted the faithful until the end of the Yugoslav regime. Vinko Vodopivec did not experience all this, because he was already of high age. He died in 1952, but the greatness of his work was also respected by the new regime. Because in the years after the WW2, some spirit of patriotism still lived among the Partisans. Belgrade started to liquidate Slovenian national structures at the beginning of the 60s. |
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| Memorial of Vinko Vodopivec in Kromberk near Nova Gorica |
| Vinko Vodopivec composed also temporal vocal music, not only for the church, which made it possible to preserve his memory under the Communist regime of the post-war period. So, already in 1953, the students of the academic choir of Littoral in Ljubljana assumed the name "Vinko Vodopivec". A street in Koper and another one in Solkan were named after him. In 1992, his statue was inaugurated in front of the church of St. Mary Comforter in Kromberk. |
| Regretfully, the Slovenian church song and the opus of Vinko Vodopivec received a decisive hit from Rome. The Council Vatican II introduced a new liturgy, which put the emphasis on loud-voiced prayers, mechanically repeated by the people from time to time. The mass on Sunday lost its divine fascination, and also Slovenians' enthusiasm for the church diminished. After some years the steady stream of churchgoers declined drastically. |
| Jacobus Handl Gallus |
| dictus Carniolus, and his work |
| (1550 - 1591) |
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| Jacobus Handl Gallus dictus Carniolus - the image from his obituary notice ( 1591). As the inscription says, the image was made in 1590, when he was 40. Thus, he was born in 1550. | |
| Dr. Joko avli |
| Four hundred years ago in Prague, on July 18, 1591, died Jacobus Gallus, a great Renaissance composer and master of polyphony. The protocol of his legacy represents a man, who was penniless, without funds, his only goods and chattels were his compositions. He often made it known in the preface of his music editions , that all his capital was invested in music printing, and his life was dedicated to the art of music, coming from an inward feeling and conviction, that music is the most spiritual from all other arts. |
| Many composers of great influence created an important evolution in music at this time, by melting the traditional and the new styles into one another. Music in the 16th century had in many respects both characteristics, a prolific and a diverse one. Local polyphony gained ground and continued to be practised even in later years, though it gradually gave way to the early Baroque monody (funeral song). Three musical forms in particular reached peak performance: The mass, motet and madrigal. |
| Among the composers Jacobus Gallus occupies one of the most visible places. He was born in 1550. It seems that his original name was Handl, but he most often used the name Gallus, its Latinized form, as was customary at that time. |
| Besides the above-mentioned two names, Gallus adopted as a third name Carniolus, to indicate that he was from Carniola (Kranjska), the central county of present-day Slovenia. However, no known record with the exact date and place of his birth exists. In the 16th century the family names Handl and Gallus were quite common in Carniola, but none of the people bearing these names can be identified as "Gallus the composer". Many parish registers from that period are lost. Only a text carved on an original woodcut from 1590 tells us the date of his birth and bears his portrait. |
| There arises also the other question about the original form of his family name, which probably was Germanized in the registry. At that time, the German style of writing was used in most parts of Slovenian countries, because the Slovenian language was still in its early beginning of literary workmanship. Therefore well-known personalities Latinized their names, whereas common family names as well as names of villages and towns were traduced or written in German mode. |
| It is next to certain that the name Handl was a translation of the Slovenian family name Petelin meaning cock, since in the following period the writing of the original Slovenian form prevailed, so that nowadays only this type can be found in Slovenia. |
| The signature of Jacobus Gallus or Handl appears for the most part in Latinized form and less often in German. The last one was his official name. He never used the Slovenian form in his signatures, but he added the epithet Carniolus, not only to indicate his origin, but mainly to distinguish himself from all other people, who bore the same name. During his lifetime there were many artists with the same name all over the countries. |
| Nevertheless, it is also possible, that by calling himself Carniolus, he wanted to emphasize his link to his native country. |
| Gallus' Life |
| There is no known record clarifying Gallus' early youth, so we do not know whether he came from a town or village. Formal education was not obligatory at the time. Parents decided on sending their children to school, if they noticed special talents. Jacobus Gallus was obviously a gifted boy, but nothing has been recorded about his childhood and basic education. It seems to be most likely, that he gained his first knowledge in the monastery of Sticna (Sittich), south-east of Ljubljana. This monastery had a good reputation in educating boys and young men, and in putting special emphasis on music. |
| According to some authors, who occupied themselves with his biography, the main reason for leaving home and getting education abroad has to be ascribed to the Reformation, which at that time diffused Slovenian lands. But the oppressing Reformation was not the only reason for this expatriation. The musical situation in Slovenia played another important factor. The Protestant chorale was introduced and encouraged in Protestant churches and schools. The musical work, carried out by Slovenian Reformers, was very positive, but it never reached the artistic level of unlimited opportunities to satisfy young Gallus outstanding gift for music. |
| Gallus was one of many Slovenian musical emigrants, who moved to places that had to offer a more favourable climate to further their development - Graz, Innsbruck, Prague and elsewhere. In the introduction of his first volume of masses (1580) he gave an insight of his early youth, still being a boy he decided to dedicate his life to music, "not thinking of possible profits, but driven by an inner urge." And in the introduction to the third volume of his motets (1587), he declared: "I will, if life be granted to me, adorn music even when I am old; dead or alive, I will never desert it." |
| It seems that Gallus left home quite early, certainly before 1565, taking his first lodgings in the Benedictine Monastery of Melk in Lower Austria, where he stayed for about 10 years. Proof of his life in Melk provides the fourth volume of his collection of masses, which was dedicated to Johann Rueff, the "'most honoured Father and spiritual guide in Christ", at first being a monk of the monastery and later Abbot of the Cistercian Monastery in Zwettl. In Melk, Gallus started to compose masses, which were published in 1580. |
| Just before 1574 Gallus joined the Court Chapel in Vienna, which seemed to be far more promising to promote his artistic advancement and recognition, since it consisted of vocalists and instrumentalists. Because he was 24 years old at that time, he could have been only a tenor or a bass singer, belonging to the Capellsingerknaben-extraordinarii (Sängerknaben der Kapelle), a title that was given to adult singers. Vienna was the perfect place for Gallus to associate with many other musicians. He lived in the centre of the current musical endeavours, and he undoubtedly took full advantage of them. He was young and ambitious; he wanted to excel in every respect. |
| Gallus left the Court Chapel some time in 1575. We may assume that he wanted to leave the capital, being aware of the fact that no further advancements could be accomplished here. The following years he spent travelling and wrote about his journeys that included numerous towns in Moravia, Bohemia and Silesia. In Wroclaw he stayed for a longer period, which is evidenced by his many manuscript compositions, studies of motets and other compositions that were later published. |
| Between 1575 and 1578, in Zabrdovice near Brno in Moravia, Gallus might have made contact already with Stanislav Pavlovský, a Premonstratensian monk, who in 1580 was consecrated Bishop of Olomouc (Moravia). Bishop Pavlovský invited Gallus to stay at his court. Since the middle of 1580 Gallus became choro praefectus at the bishop's court in Kromìøi (Kremsier). Again he composed a number of secular works to meet the needs of the local instrumentalists and singers, who were directed and trained under his immediate instructions. |
| After having served the bishop for five years, Gallus wanted to leave. Pavlovský obliged and issued him a testimonial describing "the faithful service of Jakob Handl, a Carniolan musician, and his release from the court". The letter of discharge was "given in Kromìøi at our castle on 26th July in the year of our Lord 1585". |
| Afterwards Gallus settled down in Prague, the Residence City of Emperor Rudolf II. Gallus was made organist and choirmaster with the title regens chori of St. John's Church. The church was built at the beginning of the 12th century and later rebuilt in Gothic style (demolished in 1896). It was within the competence of the Archbishop of Prague, and its patron was the Emperor. |
| The printing of his compositions presented a serious burden for him. Gallus was actively involved in their technical realization and corrected each one of them. The publisher was Nigrin, a printer who belonged to the circle of humanists in Prague and was in touch with many Bohemian poets. Nigrin's publications were of high technical quality. Gallus and Nigrin were more than acquaintances - they were friends. This friendship helped Gallus to overcome a variety of printing problems, and with much effort he could be ensured, that almost his entire opus was printed during his lifetime. |
| Gallus died in 1591 in Prague. The cause of his death remains unknown. He died suddenly at the age of forty-one, probably suffering from an acute disease... Did the composer sense that his life was drawing to an end? Among the pieces that Gallus composed in 1590 is the choral "Dulces exuviae". Here the composer used Virgils lines (The Aeneid IV, 651 - 654): |
| "O relics once dear, while God and Fate allowed! | |
| Take my spirit, and release me from my woes! | |
| I have lived; I have finished the course that Furtun gave; | |
| And now in majesty my shade shall pass beneath the earth." | |
| Following his death various Latin poems were published. Altogether there were four, written by Bohemian poets who had contact with the late composer, reflecting their attitude toward him and illustrating the cultural atmosphere in Prague at that time. |
| Gallus' Opus |
| It appears that Gallus started to compose in the 1570's. In the beginning there were probably the masses followed by his early motets. |
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| Selectiones quaedam missae (Several selected masses) was the first collection of Gallus' compositions, published in Prague in 1580. | |
| Gallus published his masses first. He entitled the collection Selectiores guaedam missae (Several selected masses). The collections comprise four volumes, which were issued by Nigrin in 1580 in Prague. Gallus dedicated the first and the second to his superior Pavlovský, the third to the Abbot Schönauer and the fourth to the Abbot Rueff, i.e., to his main supporters and friends. The collection of masses, however, was dedicated to his own work. The thoughts express his devotion to God, to the Church and his art. Those were the leading motives, and they more or less accompanied him throughout his creative life. |
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| Opus musicum (Prague, 1586) is a collection of motets. Motets were musical depictions of liturgical and biblical texts. Gallus wrote altogether 374 motets for four to twelve voices. | |
| The form of composition, that Gallus paid special interest to, was the motet. Motets were musical depictions of liturgical and biblical texts. Gallus published them in many volumes, altogether 374 rnotets. They are composed in the collection entitled Opus musicum. The first volume, dedicated to the archbishop of Prague and the bishops of Olomouc and Wroclaw, was published in 1586. It contains motets for each feast in the church year, divided into three sections: Advent, Christmas, New Year, and Lent. |
| In the following year of 1587 the second volume of that collection was issued. It is composed of four sections: the first depicts the suffering of Christ, the second the lamentations of Jeremiah, the third the resurrection of Christ, and the fourth the meditations of the Holy Spirit. - In the same year the third volume was also published, which includes motets dedicated to the Holy Trinity and the Eucharist, plus other motets referring to the period after the Pentecost to Advent. |
| The last volume of that collection was published in Prague, in 1590. It differs from the previous three, for it bears the composer's portrait in caption, and next to it the text ending with the significant words: "I will sing to the Lord all my life, I will sing to my God as long as I live." The motets in this volume, written for four to twelve voices, were intended for various religious occasions. They praised Mary, the apostles, evangelists, martyrs, witnesses, virgins, and holy women. At the end the composer added four triumphal psalms in honour of all saints, two of which were eight-part, and the other two twenty-four-part. The latter two very impressively wound. |
| This collection of motets is Gallus' greatest work. In the compositions can frequently be noticed the intimate relation between word and music. Said J. Mantuani, a Slovenian writer (1916): "Gallus has a true sense of painting with sounds. He sets to music the most important words by painting them with the movement of melody." Mantuani quotes six such instances, and it is interesting to note that all of them come from the first volume of the collection Opus musicum. |
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| The first volume of Harmoniae morales (Prague, 1589), a collection of madrigals. The word "morales" stays for "madrigales" (madrigals), meaning the musical pieces with secular contents. | |
| The last Gallus' collection of compositions contained madrigals that were quite varied in their nature, in some cases being close to the sacred madrigal and the motet. The collection of madrigals was entitled Harmoniae morales, and Nigrin in Prague published the first volume in 1589. Gallus dedicated it to "his friends and the friends of music". This volume contained 14 four-part choral pieces. The second volume was also published in Prague, in 1590, comprising 19 four-part choral works. And in the same year the third volume with 20 compositions was issued. |
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| Title page of Gallus' collection Moralia (madrigals) which was published after the death of the composer, in Nüremberg (Germany), in 1596. | |
| The volumes of madrigals as well as those of motets were granted with the Emperor's privilege, which prevented any other issuing of the works. Gallus did not live long enough to see his madrigals published, which were united in a collection entitled Moralia and published in 1596 in Nüremberg. Gallus' brother Georg published the volume with an introductory explanation of his decision to choose this title. He said, the composer was constantly encouraged to add some secular pieces (morals) to his sacred ones and to bring joy into people's hearts. The financial support for printing and publishing was granted by the Senate of old Prague. Many senators were Gallus' fervent admirers and friends. |
| Apart from the above-mentioned collections some of the other Gallus' compositions were published too. Around 1586, for example, he produced the four-part composition "O Herre Gott in meiner Noth ruf ich zu Dir", which the Protestant theologian Selnecker included in his hymnbook. Much later it was published in a Catholic hymnbook in 1631. Therefore, it was acceptably by Catholics and Protestants. |
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| Fragment from Opus musicum II with the famous motet "Ecce quomodo moritur iustus" for tenor. Still today this motet pertains to the iron repertory of the experienced chorus. | |
| Gallus' publications made their way into the world across the borders of Bohemia. He was connected with people in Germany, especially with "kantoreis" in Saxony. His compositions were an integral part of the Central German repertoire and were often performed. Some choral pieces like "Ecce, quomodo moritur iustus", for example, were very popular. |
| His compositions were also known in Poland. Five of them were included in the tabular of Toruñ and ten of them in the tabular of Pelplin; both tabular are in manuscript. The first one derives from the later years of the 16th century, the second sprung up two decennia after it. Some copies of Gallus' later compositions were also found in Cracow. From the available records it can be concluded that Gallus' motets were part of the Polish liturgical tradition, and were an obligatory element of the ritual. |
| Gallus' numerous compositions, either printed or in manuscript, were known in musical circles all over Europe. He left a rich opus, which was a valuable contribution to the musical art of the Renaissance and the stylistic period, which followed it. |
| Gallus' creativity |
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| Jacobus Gallus Carniolus (1550 - 1591) was one of the greatest musicians of world rank. Paul van Nevel from Holland, issued a CD of his Opus Musicum and Missa super "Sancta Maria" , which was published by the world-known enterprise Sony (series vivarte), in 1994. The edition is accompanied with text titled "Jacobus Gallus: A Slovene in Central Europe", published in English, German and French. The people of Slovenia do not pay particular attention to Gallus. Many of them are questioning, why does the country not organize a periodical Gallus' Memorial Performance? |
| In the 16th century, that is, in the time of Jacobus Gallus, there were three predominant musical forms: the mass, motet and madrigal. |
| At that time, the so-called parodic or transcribed mass was especially popular. The composer took a polyphonic composition as a model, and then worked on it in various ways. The technique used for the motet, however, was imitation, and it was usually written for voices, based on biblical texts. The madrigal on the other hand, as a homophonic (one voice) or polyphonic (many-voiced) composition, also emerged in Western and Central European music. It was based on secular, sometimes also moralistic text. It flourished especially in the second half of the 16th century. |
| Gallus wanted to assert his own creativity and concept in the masses, his inside feelings, and what he saw as an integral expression of his work. This was his leading principle in both, composition technique and chosen style. Gallus' motets, however, are different. The composer based the themes sometimes on the chant, monophonic liturgical singing, which emerged in the early Christian period and later developed. Some motets were inspired also by folk melodies. Among them are German songs, a Bohemian Christmas song and many others. |
| Especially striking is the similarity between the themes of the motet "Preparate corda vostra" (Op. mus. III, 34) and the Slovene folk song "Sem e, sem el cez gmajnico" (I was going over the village field). The two opening themes are melodically and rhythmically identical. The well-known and popular Slovenian song is polyphonic, slightly melancholic, celebrating the idyllic environment of the Slovenian countryside. The composer might have heard it in his youth. |
| Judgements of melodies, as conceived by Gallus, differ. Certain experts find his melodies reserved; others consider them relaxed, expressive or melodious. Gallus melodies in his motets and madrigals are pleasing and smooth. Although they are not complex, but in their structure rather simple. They express the creative power of the composer. Gallus' music is effective even when it sounds somewhat unusual and gives an impression of hardness and sharp accentuation. |
| The expressiveness of the melody was to a large extent conditioned by the current perception of the relationship between word and sound. In the Renaissance the function of the word changed a lot and became different from what it was during the reign of counter-point. The importance of speech was also backed up by the Council of Trent, which pointed out the significance of the text in the liturgy. Imitation of the words was introduced. |
| The changes taking place also influenced Gallus' composition to a certain extent. But analysis confirms that Gallus did not entirely and consequently accedes to the new tendencies. He considered the meaning of text and correct accentuation, but did not make it a guideline. Gallus adopted generally accepted rules to a limited extent and adjusted them to his own belief. He expressed his own feelings. |
| Considering that Gallus composed vocal music makes it clear, that the voice was his main preoccupation, not only from the melodic point of view. In the 16th century the function of voices changed considerably. The role of the previously leading tenor declined. Gradually, the cantos (soprano) became the leading voice - being the bearer of the melody. Compositions still usually began with the tenor, which was followed by the cantos, bass and alto, but this was no longer an obligatory sequence. Bass gradually became the fundamental voice. |
| Various examples from his work show that Gallus was well versed and efficient in some of the new techniques, but in some instances he remained faithful to tradition, which was also the case of other composers. Gallus obviously gave priority to the cantos while not neglecting the tenor and other voices. The way he arranged all the voices together shows his sense of differentiation. |
| The main stress was on the theme. He wanted to combine the motives together with the text and give it the strongest possible expressive character. The chosen theme, usually only one, was in all respects the most important element. If the composer introduced another theme, he thus wanted to achieve a contrast. |
| The text was also very important; at the beginning of the composition the entire text or part of it, sometimes only one word, was presented. This can be seen in Gallus' motets as well as in madrigals. The succession of parts was also important for the structure of his works. If a composition had more then six or seven parts, he divided the voices into choral groups. His composition is therefore characterized by differing formations, leading to cori spezzati, (especially favoured by the Venetian school of composition). Imitation was one of Gallus' most frequent techniques, not only in themes, but also in choral works and "cori spezzati", in which he established imitative relations. |
| If we compare Gallus' composition techniques we must, however, conclude that polyphony was nevertheless predominant, even though there are certain passages, which are closer to homophony. This can be seen in his masses and even more explicitly in his motets and madrigals. However, it is a characteristic of all his compositions that neither polyphony nor in particular homophony is consistent. Gallus had a refined gift for rhythm and all its niceties. Different note values, syncopation and hemiola characterised his rhythm. |
| The spiritual atmosphere of the 16th century also changed the function of the creative individual, and accordingly also the interpretation of the text. The main point was imitation: music was to depict its object just as it was in nature, imitazione della natura. An artist was therefore supposed to get close to nature, even more than that, he was to feel it as a part of his inner self. Gallus introduced such depicting into his masses, but to a smaller extent than in his other musical forms. This technique is shown especially in Gloria, Credo and in places Sanctus; it is absent from Agnus Dei |
| Tone painting was much more frequent in motets, because they allowed more scope for it. Gallus used it whenever he wanted to emphasize words or parts of the text. Madrigals provided even more possibilities for tone paintings, because words allowed wider spans of meaning, which virtually dictated the use of technique. |
| The animal world was sometimes present in Gallus' music. He used this kind of tone painting primarily in madrigals and very rarely in motets. Very vivid are his musical pictures of the "poor rabbit fleeing before the hounds", the "crowing of the rooster", "clucking of hens", the "song of a nightingale", the "song of a cuckoo", the "croaking of frogs", the "gabbling of geese" and many other such details. |
| Gallus in general tried to balance text and music in his composition. The meaning of the text was especially important, and various musical works of his bear witness to this. It is clear from Gallus' opus that he was perfectly familiar with the rule, that music was meant to convey the living spirit. In the Renaissance, music did not only want to incite pleasant experiences in people, but also was supposed to reflect the human inner life, analyze it and try to show what it was, or was supposed to be like. |
| Gallus' Personality |
| Gallus as a person remains more or less unknown. If we could unveil his personal world, we could understand the music and the text he wrote much better. We would get an insight into his thoughts and feelings, and could evaluate his expression, the characteristics of his work, his composition technique and form, and his own experience of art. In understanding an artist, understandhig his character is the most important and also the most difficult. Gallus lived so long ago that this task becomes even more complex. The character is the factor, which most directly affects people's creativity. |
| The sources are not very illuminating but there exist various poems about Gallus, which were written either during his life or later. In addition to that, Gallus himself left records about his attitude towards life and his art in the introductions to his musical collections. In the introduction to the second volume of his masses, for example, he admitted that he had been presumptuous or careless or thoughtless in publishing it. But, he said, he had been forced to oblige because of his friends' constant requests, some of which he had earlier ignored or rejected. |
| Gallus was therefore reserved in that phase of his development; he did not consider his art to be perfect. He knew he was a beginner, and that the creative power he felt in himself was yet to emerge fully in his compositions. This seems to be the only feasible explanation of his self-criticism and the harsh judgements he rendered on his works. But despite of his rather severe attitude he had towards himself, he knew how to defend his works against the criticism of his adversaries that he considered unjust. |
| Even much can be deduced about Gallus as a man and as an artist from his works. A good example is the texts he used for his music. His choice of texts was not accidental but depended on the feeling they incited in him. His intuition and views guided him; either consciously or subconsciously his sincere beliefs and ideas also influenced the choice. He had a thorough-premeditated concept, which he gradually perfected. He proceeded towards the goal he had set himself, that is, towards individual creative expression. |
| These chosen texts reflected Gallus' soul, this being especially true of his masses and motets, which are a perfect illustration of the composer's inner harmony. Gallus was religious, devoted to Catholicism, and that is why he dedicated the greater part of his opus to the Church. His horizons, however, were much wider than one would expect, judging by the environment he lived in. Proof for this is his work, which in many ways went far beyond the limits of strict religious dogmas. |
| In addition to sacred music he also composed madrigals, a secular musical form. However, he arranged his madrigals in his own way; often they conveyed a moral. Gallus himself explained why he decided on composing madrigals. In the introduction to the first volume of his collection Harmoniae morales he said that he used the name, moralia instead of madrigalia for the songs. He wanted them to be called that, because they introduced nothing that was profligate, and they feared the very shadow of obscenity. This is true of all compositions in this collection. The composer never used texts that included even the slightest implications of sensual. Gallus therefore considered the title well before naming his collection. The texts of Gallus' madrigals are very varied in their topics. He often decided on texts, which treated truth, justice, and questions connected with them. |
| Gallus also was very attracted by texts, which treated fortune, misfortune, prosperity and poverty. These were probably the problems he constantly faced in his life. One of the texts says that a man on whom fortune smiled had many friends, but when fortune faded, the friends disappeared as well; while the skies were blue, friends were there, but when dark clouds appeared, he would be alone (Moralia, 2). This fact was one in the long chain of those, which constantly directed the course of his life. For instance, he also treated the realization that when a rich man died, crowds of citizens gathered, and when a poor man departed, there was hardly anyone to see him to his grave (Moralia, 44). Gallus probably had his own end in mind when he decided to set this text to music. |
| Gallus' reflections included also questions of gratitude, self-restraint, guilt, suffering, friendship, the worth of a human being, the transience of life and this world. Another text he set to music warned people against trusting a flatterer rather than themselves... |
| The composer's choice definitely had a background. It is not preposterous to assume that it was his character and his experience of life that guided him in his selection. Some texts treated envy, which was obviously not an alien feeling for him. He must at times felt very envious. He also experienced mistrust despite the fact that he had an abundance of friends and patrons. Nor was he spared poverty. His earnings were meagre, he hardly managed to make a living and have his work printed. He depended on his sponsors. |
| Deep in himself he felt that his music and texts were independent in their expression, which, objectively speaking, was not true. His religion had an influence upon his view of life and his composition. He was of the opinion that he had taken the only right path, and this assumption is substantiated with his texts and music, in which he sang that freedom was the nourishment of the spirit and the only real joy. Had this not been the case, all spiritual nourishment would be meaningless. He, who is free, cannot be richer. Gallus clearly believed that he had this freedom. The composer's opus, his introductions and the records about his life prove that Gallus was a broad-minded, enterprising and conceptually rounded personality. He cannot be reproached for intolerance, even from the religious point of view. He maintained contacts even outside the boundaries of Catholicism. |
| In any case, Gallus' work too was exposed to criticism. It seems that negative criticism appeared many times before his masses were printed. After 1580 the criticism became even harsher. The critics, that is, the adversaries troubled Gallus throughout his career. This was nothing unusual, since this has been the case with all artists, past and present. However, not everyone reacts to criticism in the same way. Gallus was obviously very sensitive to it. The question is why certain people did not like his music. There must have been reasons for this dislike - connoisseurs and ordinary listeners were probably disturbed by certain elements of his work. One of the reasons was probably the fact that Gallus often strayed from the current practice, and frequently used procedures that were against the established rules. |
| One of the stumbling blocks was even the arrangement of voices in his works. It met with disapproval more by the audience than by the critics. In short, many people were dissatisfied with his compositions, especially musicians, whom Gallus, in some of his texts, addressed with numerous questions. The text of a choral piece (Harmoniae morales, 29) which observed that nobody was liked by the stupid, unless he sang what they liked, obviously pointed to those who disapproved of Gallus' music. To some people he said (Harmoniae morales, 50) that they liked stupidities and did not like good compositions, but it did not matter, since he never wanted to be liked by their kind. The text went on to say that the wise wanted to be liked by good people, and that the envious should hold their tongue. Gallus stressed that he wanted to sing those songs to the Muses and not to them, and that whoever disliked them should try to sing better, or express in music what was within them... |
| Gallus wanted to know whether the musicians were erupted with sweet sounding melodies, whether they liked them and whether they realized that the song wound very artistic. He summoned them to take a good look, and learn how the song will give the singers strength with its manifold sound... |
| Without records on hand to prove this; we may conceive Gallus to have been familiar with the works of many other composers. What we know, is proof enough to claim, that he was interested more or less in all music that was composed in the 16th century in Europe, mostly in Austrian, German, Bohemian, Dutch, Polish and Italian countries. His work, however, is witness to his individuality regarding style and technique, although he was not an iconoclast either, entirely negating the immediate or more distant past, nor did he overlook the present. |
| Gallus lived and worked at an artistic turning point and his responses to the changes were dictated by his own creativity. He always considered the new things he learned, but in his own way. He perfected his knowledge from the past, and added what he thought was important for the future. |
| Gallus was successfully involved in the 16th century development process. He assiduously worked on the existing and also on the coming styles, and applied his knowledge in practice. The then European musical audience carefully followed Gallus' compositions. They were evaluated from the point of view of sometimes-exceptional technical solutions and their individual expressiveness. In his opus he formed his own expression, and at the same time revealed the characteristics of his period. His music survived throughout the centuries and is topical again, which best illustrates its artistic value, the high level of the composer's creativity and the sincerity of his expression. |
| References: |
| D. Cvetko: Jacobus Gallus - sein Leben und Werk, Munich 1972 | ||
| D. Cvetko: Jacobus Hándl Gallus vocatus Carniolus, SAZU Opera 23, Ljubljana 1991 | ||
| J. Sniková: Jacobus Gallus und Prag in drei Dokumenten. In: Jacobus Gallus and His Time, Ljubljana 1985, pp. 134 - 141 | ||
| E. Zvoliñska: Einige Bemerkungen zur Verbreitung der Werke des Jacobus Gallus in Polen. In: Jacobus Gallus and His Time, Ljubljana 1985, pp. 142 - 148 | ||
| Marij Kogoj |
| Herald of Slovenian Musical Expressionism |
| 1892 - 1956 |
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| Dr. Joko avli |
| At the turn of the 20th century, Romanticism impregnated Slovenian music, reflecting peoples' personal experience, a change of heart and inner sentiments. Its influence was in particular felt among Slovene villagers, who were known for their heritage of traditional singing. Tunes were sung in four or even more voices, a very melodic and harmonic way of uttering words in musical tones. Practises continued at church, were chants were polyphonically vocalized. The carols, in particular for Christmas, New Year, Easter, May devotion and other holidays... were so beautiful and touching, and supremely excellent in quality. Indeed, Slovenian church choir reached a level of virtue, where it always remained without ever being surpassed until today. |
| However, all this beautiful tradition was out of step with the arrival of a modern era, as recognized by several Slovenian intellectuals and artists. Should Slovenian people in their seeking for reason and truth remain stuck in a former period of time, the so-called "good old days", which begin with the melancholic "once upon a time" ("Es war einmal...")? Modern times were challenging; people had to be equipped to express distress, to search and to find the answer to problems in their life. Slovenians should be physically and mentally aware of themselves as a modern nation. To bring their thinking and feeling to a certain standard, artistic and otherwise, was the important task and mission that the Slovenian artistic cream of the crop took upon themselves after WW1. |
| They found the method, that would fulfil the purpose in the new European artistic direction, in the Expressionism. Slovenian poets, prose-writers, novelists, dramatists, and also musicians... did not follow or imitate the artistic model of European extent; they created authentic artistic works. Undoubtedly, in the field of music, the composer Marij Kogoj was the herald of modern times; he belonged to the vanguard, which put the basis for expressionistic spirits into Slovenian musical and vocal creation. |
| His Life |
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| Composer Marij Kogoj, an expressionistic picture of 1923, by Veno Pilon |
| Marij Kogoj was born in Triest, in 1892. Triest was then the most important port of Austria, and the capital of the Province of Litoral (Küstenland, in German). His father tefan came originally from Kanal at the Isonzo, north of Gorica (Gorizia, Görz), who moved to Triest to seek employment. His mother Angela Filippini, of Italian origin, was a choir singer and musical performer. In fact, Marij's (Mario) Christian name was Julij, Dante, Alojzij (Julius, Dante, Lewis). However, the Commune of Triest mistakenly identified him in a later document as his younger brother Marij (* 1895), who died some months after his birth. This way, the brother's name remained forever with the future composer. |
| The existing difficult surroundings that affected lives at that time, and the main worry how to sustain the family, exhausted Marij's father, he became ill and passed away already in 1898, at the age of 34. Mother Angela and the children suffered, she was unable to support them; forced by necessity she asked for assistance the Commune of Kanal, her husband's hometown. After her third appeal, she finally made herself heard. The Commune of Kanal placed Marij and his sister Ana into foster homes, where they found attention and love. In Marij's case, the schoolteacher Karolina Leban played an indispensable role in the child's education. She was aware of his talent and made all efforts to bring it to an awakening. She kept a watchful eye over his growing up, prepared him for examines, and in 1907 he was ready to visit grammar school in Gorica. |
| He was a good student; however, his inclination for music was so powerful, that he left school after grade seven. It was in 1914, when he matriculated at the Academy for Music in Vienna, where he studied counterpoint and composition under the conduct of Professor F. Schreker. Two years later he interrupted his studies at the Academy in order to continue with Professor A. Schönberg, who was teaching at the private school E. Schwarzwald. Here, he found more progressive musical directions, and the liberal type of environment stimulated him to finish the study of instrumentation in the same semester. |
| In Vienna, he had hard times to maintain himself and his study, but his overwhelming creative energy came handy in obtaining occasional jobs. Despite all difficulties, he conceived new compositions and developed authentic harmony. It is a very distinctive behaviour pattern of his, that he did not forget Slovenia. Evidence is his Slovenian essay, entitled "About arts, in particular about music", published in the Ljubljana magazine "Dom in svet" (Home and World, 1918). From all Slovenian composers he was one of the very few, who did something noble like this. |
| It is very probably, that his source of creative energy did not only come from his love for music, but also from his patriotic Slovenian conscience. He instinctively felt the sentimental experience and spirit expressed in the character of Slovenian men. This still natural knowledge through long practice was a treasure, which enlightened the intuition of civilized mankind in their creation of great works. Marij's vanguard of compositions were meant to be a message to his fellow-countrymen, to build a stage of civilization that pertains to a modern nation. This was the true mission of his compositions. |
| In 1918, the Austrian Monarchy collapsed. Italy occupied the Province of Litoral with Triest. The Central Province of Carniola became part of the new constituted Yugoslavia, and its chief town a new centre of political and cultural life for Slovenians. Therefore, many Slovenian cultural men and artists moved to Ljubljana, ready to contribute their work to the cultural and national development of the new Slovenian capital. However, a town with ca. 50.000 inhabitants and very provincial tradition did not offer them a corresponding milieu, and did not show a comprehension for the far-seeing aims they had in mind. |
| The fight for survival was always the first preoccupation, and thereafter followed the artistic creation. The public paid no attention to modern works and never ever once showed interest for the new musical creation that Marij Kogoj produced, but he kept insisting to be heard, after he moved to Ljubljana in 1918. In 1919 he married there Marija Podlogar, who bore him three sons called: Marij, Jurij, and Leander. |
| Apart from composing, Marij Kogoj was urged to accept various jobs, which brought him most of the time into striking contrast between him and his environment, since he was a man of principles, who, if offended, remained intransigent. Therefore he interrupted his collaboration as a music critic with the paper "Slovenec". In 1922, he moved to Gorica, where he made an attempt to establish a conservatory together with Srecko Kumar. But they failed to achieve the project they desired so much. |
| Burdened with troubles, on the one hand he had to work for a living and support his family and on the other he had to continue his creative work, which demanded great concentration and psychical power, finally it began to exhaust his energy. The first signs of a disease appeared. However, he was still in full capacity for work and vigorous activity. |
| His Work |
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| Marij Kogoj |
| Front page of the musical magazine "Trije labodje" (Three Swans) from 1921, composed by France Kralj, a well-known expressionistic Slovenian painter. | |
| Already in 1920, Marij Kogoj played the leading role in the intermediate movement of the young Slovenian musical world, who in particular presented themselves in the town of Novo Mesto, sout-east of Ljubljana. The performances were called therefore the "Novo Mesto Spring". Marij also initiated the founding of the Young Club and the publication of the musical magazine "Trije labodje" (Three swans), which was dedicated to expressionism and was the vanguard of music. His circumstances in Ljubljana were hardship. In his compositions he was slowly searching for the best corresponding expressions. |
| The modern expressionistic course was presented in his works since the beginning. His solo singing "Stopil sem na tihe njive" (I trod upon the silent fields, 1913), that he wrote still in grammar school, showed already the first step toward the vanguard. But the song for a mixed chorus called Trenotek (The Instant, 1914) brought already a revolution in Slovenian music, and was the beginning of expressionism. |
| In his works he preserved the romantic and light melancholic softness, which is characteristic for Slovenian feeling. It expresses the longing for love, felicity, and the final redemption. But he also introduced modern expressional language through the quart accords and he graduated the dissonance, sometimes until to a cry. It was a musical method as to express the inner feeling and, in general, the emergency of the modern man. |
| In the Requiem (1922) he confesses the fear before the death of the European man. This fear is so close to that, as it is expressed in the poem "Ekstaza smrti" (Ecstasy of death) from Srecko Kosovel, the Slovenian poet from Karst. The poem of the same period, in which the ancient European suddenly was found before its ruin by nascent Fascist, Nazist and Communist ideologies. |
| The sources of such creative energy, not only from Marij Kogoj, but also from other Slovenian expressionists, are to be searched in their love for the Slovenian country and people. They would discover in the Slovenian man his very cultural and national identity. It was during the period after WW1, when numerous Slovenian boys and men fell at the front, and the after-war conditions were hardly supportable. Suffering families were numerous and many diligent young people were ready to labour, to study and to create. |
| I believe, all groups of expressionism felt the same message for these honest and brave people, and wanted to bring them to a highly cultural level in their national consciousness, which was experienced in an extraordinary manner. Obviously, Marij Kogoj too felt this message, and he pledged all his energy to carry out this realization. It was, as if from below of his ink-feather flew new and new compositions destined to his people. Not only temporal but also for the parish - very typical is his 14 songs of Mary... His religious experiences, as well as many other things about his life have yet to be investigated. His artistic personality is still upsetting the young musical generation, and it will do so also in the future. |
| Crne maske - (Black Masks) |
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| Scene from the first performance of Crne maske (Black Masks) in Ljubljana, in 1929 |
| In 1924, Marij Kogoj began to write his greatest work, the opera Crne maske (Black Masks, 1927). This opera represents not only the peak of Slovenian expressionism, it is, beside "Wozzeck" (1921) from Alban Berg, the most visible opera work of European expressionism. Its libretto is taken from the drama Leonid Andrejev (1871 - 1919). The work shows the existential distress of modern man. The masks figure as pictures of what we bear in ourselves and of what we are encircled. They symbolize, as the author expressed it so well in his words, the "development of a quotidian man to a spiritual one", but also his doubleness and spiritual crash, and finally, the victory of the good in himself. The Black Masks were performed first in Ljubljana, in 1929, and later also in 1957 and 1990. |
| It was in 1932, when Marij Kogoj's illness, the schizophrenia, broke out with all powers. It might have been consequences of stress, when after the immense crisis from 1929 onwards, the burden to take care of his family, searching for jobs and for creative work became unbearable. The disease took over completely. After being hospitalized he was not able to compose any longer, although he lived for many years ( 1956). |
| Lots of articles and papers were written about his work, very creative and innovative. Thus, he was not forgotten. Each year, in his hometown Kanal, Kogoj Days are celebrated and his works are performed for the special event. A monograph about him has not been issued yet. His life and work must still be studied from diverse points of view, and his spiritual and cultural message discovered in its full extent. |
| The Avsenik Band |
| Inspired by love, their Life was dedicated to Music and to their Native Country |
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| Avsenik Band in the middle of the fifties, with Slavko holding his accordion (in the middle) and his brother Vilko with guitar (on his left). |
| Dr. Joko avli |
| I cannot ignore the musical ensemble Avseniks from Begunje in Upper Carniola (Gorenjsko), when I remember the fifties. They played at various places in Slovenia, always yielding enthusiasm to all groups of people regardless if young or old. It was a tremendous success. They played the most popular Slovenian dance rhythmic - polka and waltz, with two singers. At that time, I was still a teen-ager, however, very inclined for music and dance. Whenever the cheerful and salutatory Avsenik music was on the air we tuned in, and could not help it but to start dancing to the music in the radio. It became a favourite hobby within my family circle and friends to gather on Sunday afternoons in our" izba" (living room) and dance to the Avsenik Band. |
| Albeit we left Slovenia, at that time under the Yugoslav Communist regime, its totalitarianism was not yet spread over the countryside. One could still speak its mind without fear to lose his position at work. The majority of the people were farmers, poor, but independent. There was still a freedom in the village, and we enjoyed it. |
| I would say, Avsenik's music too was born by a person who felt free inside, and escaped into a dreamland of sentiments. His name was Slavko Avsenik, the soul of the ensemble, assisted by his brother Vilko and popular singers Danica Filiplic and Franc Koren, plus other members of the group. In every performance they showed themselves dressed in picturesque folk costumes of Upper Cariniola. Their music and songs were inspired by beautiful Alpine landscapes around Begunje, Avsenik's native village, not far from the famous Lake Bled. Their musical pieces emanated love, whether it concerned their Slovenian country or spoken in general. |
| It touched people's heart, they understood very well this message, it filled them with enthusiasm, and they fall into a rave. In Slovenian language we say "noreli so" (they got crazy) when listening to the Avsenik Band. Since the middle of the fifties, their polka "Na Golici" resounded from the radio almost on a daily base ("Golica" is an Alpine pasture in the Karavanke Mountains). Folks just could not get enough of listening to this "salutatory" (in Slovenian: poskocna) melody. It drove them out of their seats and the show ended in an standing ovation. Another melody of that time, or better said a song, was "Rezka" (Slovenian abbreviation of Theresa with caressing nuance). Absolutely everybody new the text by heart: e najbolj vec mi je Rezka (I am most pleased with Rezka), vsakdo se vanjo zatreska (everyone has a crash on her)... The words zatreska-ti mean in Slovenian literally "to be foolishly enamoured", one does not hear a crash, the impact of a crash is only felt in ones heart (treska-ti). This peace was a waltz, and became one of the most popular one. |
| Slavko Avsenik and his band continued to produce melodies. A somewhat romantic waltz was "Tam, kjer murke cveto" (There, where "murke" blossom ) was another big hit. The song praises the romantic Draga Valley in the background of Begunje. "Murke" are black orchids (Nigritella nigra) with an attractive scent growing in the mountains and are, apart from the Edelweiss, a symbol of alpine flora. - We were thrilled. Alpine wealth and its grace symbolized our milieu and the whole of Slovenia. |
| Avseniks' message was so powerful, that their melodies and songs soon penetrated all Central Europe, i.e., Austria, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium and the Netherlands. Now, after many years of research, I am convinced that these melodies touched the very soul of the Vendic (Venetic) people, who today speak different languages, but deep inside they instinctively followed a call. Thus, Avsenik's popularity and the enthusiasm for his music extended over the ancient Vendic territory of Central Europe, while the Celtic, Slav, and Latin world was not affected by it. These peoples could not connect to Avsenik's message; his soul, spirit, and sentiments were not understood. On his tour in France, for instance, the Avsenik Band appealed only to Slovenian immigrants. |
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| Avsenik's Inn "Pri Jozovcu" |
| The native house of Slavko and Vilko in Begunje (Upper Carniola, Gorenjsko) |
| Slavko Avsenik (* 1929) was the soul of the ensemble, more and more compositions were written by him. He was the youngest in the family of the innkeeper "pri Jozovcu" (at "Joe's Place") in his native Begunje. Although his brothers Janez and Vilko as well as his sister Majda had no musical inclications, he was all the more gifted with musical talent. But it seems that he was not aware of it for a very long time. He was diligent in his work, loved sport and was a cheerful person like other lads of Upper Carniola. The accordion, that he taught himself to play, was his main focus, but he made no further advances. He married Brigita Dolinek, a beautiful girl, and the innkeeper's daughter from the proximity of Trzic. She assisted him and supported his work throughout his whole life. In his unsuccessful search for employment he went one day by bicycle to Ljubljana for an audition, hoping to achieve some collaboration with Radio Ljubljana. He passed the test successfully, and in no time his stormy ascent began. His music would broadcast in "tout le monde". Soon after he founded the group "Gorenjski kvartet" (Upper Carniolan Quartet): accordion, guitar, bass, and baritone, as well as two singers. At first they were known by the name Avseniks, which accompanied the group as a permanent identification. In the German speaking territory, where the group became very popular since 1956, the Avseniks were attributed with the name "Oberkrainer". |
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| The Band at the beginning of the sixties |
| In 1960, the Avseniks were probably the most popular group of folk melodies and songs in the whole Central Europe. It is not possible to enumerate all the compositions of Slavko, which provoked joy, enthusiasm and good will among the people. One of the pieces, a polka, is called "Ce vincek govori", saying: When wine is talking, many things happen... The Avseniks' fame and glory was endless. In 1962 the publishing house recorded the 100th composition of the Avsenik Brothers, and rewarded them with the Golden Star for their co-operation. In 1963 the band was invited to USA, Canada and Australia. In 1964, the Avsenik quintet performed for the Winter Olympic games in Innsbruck. And in the same year they received the first Golden Record in Hamburg, because over a million records were sold with their melodies and songs. By 1965, they had given more then 1000 concerts, 500 of them only were staged in Germany. In 1968, they received the third Golden Record, and performed on very popular TV shows like Goldener Schuß and Meine Melodie. They were on tours for more then 650,000 kilometres. |
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| The Band in the middle of the sixties, in the foreground Slavko and Vilko. |
| However, in the middle of the sixties came a period, when the Avseniks no longer transmitted on radio Slovenia. We were anxious to find out, why all the sudden this former so popular band was silent. Gossips were in the circulation, that the Avseniks decided to stay in Germany and that they in a way had sold themselves to the Germans. It was, of course, for the Yugoslav (Great Serbian) regime, which with its totalitarianism finally took Slovenia into its hand. Through the secret police it controlled Slovenian public administration, economy, schools, culture, and through the mass media they also controlled the thinking of Slovenians. |
| The Avseniks were radiated with too much Slovenian soul, sentiment, and enthusiasm and longed for their native country. Therefore, they returned to Slovenia, which was in the making to become a Yugoslav State of Serbia. A new world-wide boom would have proceeded on Slovenian soil, that would have given an imprint to the Slovenian name all over the world. But the Yugoslav regime prevented a Slovenian upswing. It is true, that in the following period they still came to Slovenia to hold concerts there. But their efforts were nearly ignored by the mass media. I remember the going around gossip, that they "sold" temwelves to the Germans. The Yugoslav regime promoted another band called "Slaki", where by far not as original and popular as the Avseniks. They served only as a consolation prize for the Slovenian people. |
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| The Band in the seventies |
| The success of the Avseniks abroad did not stop. In the seventies they were overflowed with concerts, particularly in countries of Central Europe, and Slavko wrote new compositions. In 1970 the band went on a tour to the United States and Canada. They kept on winning awards, and eventually there were so many of them, that only the most important can be mentioned in a brief article. In 1974 they received the Platinum Record for the sale of the tenth million record. In 1975 they won 17 times in the Hit Parade of German broadcasting. As winner they appeared on TV, seen by 80 million viewers all over Germany, Switzerland, Denmark and Sweden. They were proclaimed as the most popular folk music band of German television. |
| In 1978, in Holland they received the highest music diploma called Golden Clog. In 1979, in Vienna they were awarded the Goldene Rose for being most common and popular band on Austrian radio stations. Charitable donations from their performances went also towards the reconstruction of the Giant Ski Jump in Planica, which is the pride of Carniola and of the whole Slovenia. |
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| The Avseniks in 1983 |
| The Band in the eighties, in the background we can see many golden records. |
| In the 1980s the glory of the Avseniks reached its peak. Slavko received the golden medal of Radio Luxembourg called Golden Lion. Their fame was from time to time also remembered in Slovenia under the control of the Yugoslav regime. In 1983, they prepared themselves for a solemn concert in Bled, to celebrate "30 years with the Avsenik brothers". The press calculated, that if all Avsenik records, which amounted to more than 27 millions, were put on top of each other they would reach seven times the summit of Slovenia's highest mountain Triglav (2864 m). In he following year the type of accordions used by the Avseniks was proclaimed the best brand in the music industry, manufactured by Hohner. In the same year, the Avseniks published a special record for the Olympic Games in Sarajevo. In 1987, the Avseniks are mentioned for the first time in the Slovenian Encyclopaedia. Regretfully, their entry is very briefly and modestly described, and does not correspond with their worldly success. It is like an alibi; and let us speak frankly: the item expresses clearly the anti-Slovenian policy of the Yugoslav regime. |
| In the following year, the band celebrated their 35th anniversary, and the Avseniks went on a jubilee concert tour through Slovenia. In October they received another Golden and Platinum Record issued by the Publishing House Koch Records. In the following year they opened a special gallery in Begunje managed by Bauer from Germany. Reissues of old records were in preparation, and the first laser record in the country was published. In Europe existed already more then 150 fan clubs. |
| In Bled, in 1990, the German TV station ZDF recorded Slavko's 60 birthday in a television special. The show was also broadcasted in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Eastern Germany. At the time being Slavko suffered from enormous back problems, and the doctor advised him to stop performing. In June the band brought their work to an end. However, their glory continued. In September Slavko received in Cologne the Platinum Medal Hermann Löns, again issued by West Germany's Ministry of Culture. In October, in Berlin he received the special award Golden Gramophone. In 1991 appeared on the market more than 120 compositions of Avsenik tapes and records: 33 records were golden. The satellite programme SAT brought a 48-minutes special called Rendezvous in the Highlands (meaning Upper Carniola, Gorenjsko). The Avsenik Band was shown in over 20 different television stations: ARD, RTL plus, and SAT 1. |
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| The Avseniks in 1999 |
| The gala performance at the end of the nineties. Slavko celebrated his 70th birthday |
| In the following years Slavko distributed his own compositions for recording and performing purposes to many different bands in Slovenia. In the autumn of 1997 he returned on stage for the opening of the large performance hall in his native village of Begunje. In October 1999 a Gala-concert was given to mark the 70th birthday of Slavko Avsenik. |
| The beautiful and idyllic countryside, that surrounded Slavko in his young years, gave him this great inspiration and it also came out of love for his native country Slovenia. I must say together with other Slovenians: Many, many thanks for your great and noble work. The people of Gorenjsko are not inclined to talk about their feelings coming from the heart and sentiments. But in this case we make an exception. |
| "Slavko Avsenik - I wish and hope that you read these lines: You gave an example not only of artistic life but also of patriotic faithfulness to our homeland, when you carried the name of Slovenia all over the world." |
| Muzika in Izvor Slovencev |
| Robert Vrcon |
| Pravica do zgodovine je lastna pravica vsakega naroda, strokovna togost in netolerantnost pri iskanju njene prave podobe pa je znak miljenjske ozkosti in nebogljenosti duha. Zgodovinopisne trditve so stvar interpretacije, ta pa je v veliki meri odvisna od: |
| sposobnosti logicnega miljenja vsakega posameznega razlagalca zgodovinskih dejstev, njegove potenosti in nepristranskosti, | ||
| tevila virov iz najrazlicnejih znanstvenih panog, | ||
| politicnih in gospodarskih vplivov in interesov itd. | ||
| Ravno tako je pri razlaganju zgodovinskih dejstev izredno pomembno upotevati stanje v sodobni druzbi, ki ji hocemo opredeliti njeno podobo v preteklosti. Zgodovina nekega naroda je v prvi vrsti odvisna od poznavanja njegove ljudske kulture v vseh mocnih spoznavnih casovnih obdobjih, s cimer se v najvecji meri ukvarja etnologija in njene pomozne vede, in le nato pridejo na vrsto ostale historicne vede kot so zgodovina, arheologija itd. Zakaj? Preprosto zato, ker je prav etnologija tista, ki se je, in se v veliki meri e vedno, ukvarja z najtevilcnejo plastjo prebivalstva posameznega naroda, s kmeckim prebivalstvom. |
| Zgodovina je bila dolgo gluha in slepa za preucevanje ljudske kulture in se je, razen redkih izjem, posvecala predvsem preucevanju pisanih virov, ti pa so skoraj brez izjeme nastali v vijih druzbenih plasteh, ki so imele (in imajo e danes) zvoje zakonitosti obstoja in obvladovanja prostora in casa. Tako se je dogajalo in se dogaja tudi danes, da se na oblasti menjavajo razlicne politicne strukture, v preteklosti tudi razlicne nacionalne strukture, le kmecko prebivalstvo je zivelo svoje zivljenje dalje skozi dolga obdobja domala nespremenjeno, s svojimi obredji, egami, navadami in miselnostjo. Zaradi tega je pricevalnost ljudske kulture tako velika, da je ne bi smelo spregledati nobeno zgodovinopisje. Vpraanja, ki se najpogosteje pojavljajo pri raziskovanju, tako ljudske glasbe in petja kot tudi pri raziskovanju drugih delov ljudske kulture, so povezana z ugotavljanjem prezitkov t.i. "staroselskih kultur". Vse preveckrat se je namrec dogajalo, da so etnologi, sociologi in celo arheologi, svoja spoznanja, bodisi hote ali nehote, prilagajali trditvam zgodovinarjev. Ti pa so zgodovinske interpretacije naslonili vec ali manj na pisane vire, se posebej velja to za zgodovinopisje prejnjega stoletja, pri tem pa so vkljucevali (ce so jih sploh) v svoje zgodovinske razlage ze "zgodovinsko pregnetena" spoznanja zgoraj omenjenih ved. Seveda niso imeli v prejnjem stoletju raziskovalci ljudske glasbe na razpolago nikakrnih tehnicnih pripomockov, s katerimi bi to zvrst ljudske kulture ustrezno belezili in jo nato natancno raziskovali. Zato so bile njihove trditve rezultat zelo omejenih spoznanj, s takimi spoznanji pa si tudi zgodovinopisje ni moglo dosti pomagati. |
| Stanje v etnomuzikologiji je danes precej drugacno, tako v tehnicnem kot v metodicnem pogledu. Nihce si vec ne upa trditi, da je nae vecglasje rezultat nemkega vpliva, kot so to mislili e nedolgo tega, saj so raziskave pokazale, da je izvorno mnogo stareje in v teh starejih oblikah predvsem v nikakrni povezavi z germanskimi narodi. Prav tako si danes nihce ne upa trditi, da so vecglasne oblike ljudskega petja v Evropi posledica razvoja in nastanka umetnega vecglasja zahodnoevropske kulturne omike, ko so raziskovalci ljudske glasbe dokazali vpliv v nasprotni smeri in ko so etnomuzikologi vedno znova odkrivali takne ljudske glasbene kulture, ki niso bile v nikakrni povezavi z zahodnoevropsko umetno glasbo. Zato se mi zdi ena glavnih nalog nae etnomuzikologije v prihodnosti, ugotavljanje dejanskih vplivov drugih kultur na nao, ki jih pa nikakor ne smemo se v naprej oznaciti kot "staroselske". Eden glavnih kljucev za takne vrste ugotavljanj so po mojem mnenju Rezijani, v katerih ljudski kulturi vidijo mnogi razikovalci velik delez nekih "staroselskih" kultur. V zvezi z njihovo ljudsko kulturo (ljudsko glasbo) in jezikom se mi porajajo vsaj tri vpraanja in sicer: |
| ali so Rezijani Slovani (Slovenci), ki so ohranili svoj jezik, prevzeli pa domnevno "staroselsko" (keltsko ali kakno drugo) kulturo, svojo pa vecinoma zavrgli (izgubili)? | ||
| ali so Rezijani domnevni "staroselci" (Kelti ali drugi), ki so ohranili svojo ljudsko glasbeno in drugo kulturo in pri tem prevzeli jezik Slovanov (Slovencev)? | ||
| ali so Rezijani Slovani (Slovenci), ki so ohranili svojo glasbeno in drugo kulturo ter svoj jezik? | ||
| Pritrdilen odgovor na prvo vpraanje se mi ne zdi mogoc. Tako jezik, kot ljudsko glasbo | |
| Rezijanov smatramo za izjemno arhaicno, kar vse kaze ne samo na zaprtost Rezije do okolikega sveta v geografskem smislu, temvec tudi na zaprtost in konzervativnost v kulturnem smislu. ceprav je splono znano, da so Rezjani veliko potovali po svetu za zasluzkom s pomocjo svojih stroritvenih dejavnosti, je ostala njihova ljudska glasba domala nespremenjena e prav do danes. To kaze na izjemno vztrajnost pri ohranjanju lastnih kulturnih vrednot. Ni torej popolnoma jasno, kako bi lahko neko ljudstvo, ki je sicer nagnjeno k izjemno trdovratnemu, trmastemu vztrajanju pri ohranjanju vsega svojega, nekoc v preteklosti oz. ob domnevni "priselitvi", nenadoma in izjemoma, popolnoma zavrglo svojo prejnjo ljudsko kulturo in vztrajalo z enako intezivnostjo pri ohranjanju na novo prevzete. Poleg tega bi ti ljudje spremenili samo en del svoje kulturne dedicine, jezik, ki je sicer vedno v tesni povezavi s petjem, pa bi ostal domala nedotaknjen, kar je popolnoma nerazumljivo. Prehod ene kulture v drugo je mozen samo, ce sta si ti dve kulturi med seboj podobni oz. kot pravi B.Nettl, ce sta med seboj kompatibilni. V tem primeru je tezko dolociti, kaj je dedicina enega ali drugega naroda in bi bila trditev, da je npr. pentatonika v Rezijanski ljudski glasbi nek ostanek "staroselske" ljudske kulture (pod pojmom, ki se uporablja e vedno v nai zgodovinski in drugi literaturi, in pomeni predslovanska, ce se seveda strinjamo s trditvami o slovanski priselitvi v 6.stol.n.t.). Ce Voduek je v svojih raziskavah ugotovil, da je arhaicno jedro, iz katerega se je mogla razviti naa tetra- in pentatonika tisto s tremi toni. "Pesmi s takim arhaicnim jedrom pa smo odkrili ele pred petimi leti v Reziji ob severo-zahodnem robu Slovenije. In ne samo to: take pesmi niso v Reziji nobena redkost, temvec tvorijo celo vecino (skoro dve tretjini) vsega rezijanskega pesemskega repertoarja," je zapisal Voduek. Prav tako ugotavljamo veliko verjetnost, da predstavljajo prav oblike rezijanske ljudske glasbe nekakno izhodice oz. zacetne oblike vseh vecglasnih oblik ljudske glasbe v Alpah. Osnovna oblika rezijanskega vecglasja je dvoglasje z lezecim spodnjim tonom ali bordunom. Ljudska glasba rezije je vecinoma ohranila takno obliko, pri tem pa lahko ugotavljamo dolocen napredek pri razvoju melodij, ki se v stareji plasti omejujejo na ze omenjeno tritonalnost in razmeroma ozek ambitus, v mlajih plasteh pa je opaziti ce tudi vecje skoke in vecji razpon melodije, kar po Vodukovih dognanjih kaze ce na razviteje oblike vecglasja na ostalem slovenskem in irem prostoru Alp. Razviteje oblike tiri-, pet- in celo estglasja, ki so bile po dosedanjih dognanjih razirjene po vsem slovenskem etnicnem ozemlju, razen v tistih pokrajinah, ki so bile pod taknimi ali drugacnimi kulturnimi vplivi (Prekmurje, Bela krajina) oz. v razmeroma nedostopnih krajih (Rezija), so se zacele pocasi spreminjati predvsem s iritvijo nemkega kulturnega vpliva v casu reformacije in proti protireformacije, kar ni zaznati samo v glasbenem smislu, ko so se zacele stareje melodije velikih obsegov pretezno tetra- in pentatonskega znacaja v svoji melodiki krsiti in je zacelo v ljudskem petju prevladovati triglasje s tercnim paralelnim vodenjem zgornjih glasov, temvec tudi v besedilih ljudskih pesmi, kjer je zaznati mocneji vdor nemkih tujk v omenjena besedila. Na ta nacin lahko zaznamo v naem ljudskem petju pravzaprav tri obdobja razvoja: | |
| prvo, ki je pripeljalo od preprostih tritonskih melodij ozjega obsega do visoko razvitih, tudi estglasnih, oblik ljudskega petja, | ||
| drugo, ki je nastopilo s iritvijo prevodov nemkih reformacijskih in protireformacijskih pesmi na nae ozemlje, povzrocilo pa je poenostavitev razvitih pevskih oblik iz prvega obdobja in | ||
| tretje, ki je nastopilo razirjanjem citalnikega gibanja ter ustanavljanjem pevskih zborov in drutev, katerih delovanje je temeljilo na petju priredb ljudskih pesmi, pa tudi umetnih skladb, zlozenih v t.i. "ljudskem duhu", kar je pripeljalo tudi do sprememb samih pevskih tehnik. Kar je pri tem razvoju e posebej zanimivo je dejstvo, ki ga je opazil ce Valens Voduek, da so namrec besedila v tistih pesmih, ki jih po njihovih glasbenih oblikah lahko tejemo v starejo plast naega pevskega izrocila oz. v omenjeno prvo obdobje razvoja naega ljudskega petja, v najcisteji slovencini (se razume ne v knjizni), z najmanj tujimi besednimi vrivki, medtem ko zaznamuje drugo obdobje oz. mlajo plast naih pesmi prav veliko tevilo vrinjenih germanizmov. Podobno je tudi z metricnimi vzorci, vendar se mi o njih na tem mestu ne zdi potrebno pisati. | ||
| Ravno tako se mi zdi iz navedenih razlogov nemogoc pozitiven odgovor tudi na drugo vpraanje. Tudi v tem primeru bi lo za spremembo oz. prehod samo enega kulturnega segmenta. Ostane nam e tretje vpraanje na katerega, se mi zdi, je pritrdilni odgovor mozen. Kaj pa ce so nekateri teh prezitkov, ki jih zasledimo v najstareji plasti nae ljudske glasbe, resnicno prili v nao ljudsko kulturo od drugod? Tudi to je mogoce, vendar se moramo zavedati, da je t.i. akulturacija oz. stapljanje razlicnih kultur izjemno dolgotrajen proces, ki je poleg od ze omenjene kompatibilnosti odvisen e od neteto drugih dejavnikov. Vzemimo samo primer Uskokov v nai Beli krajini, ki po vseh stoletjih e vedno vztrajajo pri svoji ljudski glasbi in svojem jeziku, dalje poglejmo nae manjine v Italiji, Avstriji in na Madzarskem, ki kljub tisocletnim poskusom raznarodovanja e vedno trmasto vztrajajo pri svojem slovenskem jeziku in svoji kulturi. Podobnih primerov je seveda povsod po svetu neteto. Ko govorimo o ljudski glasbi, povdarjamo predvsem naslednje. Ljudska glasba je tisti del ljudske kulture, ki se skozi dolga casovna obdobja prenaa iz roda v rod in se pri tem razumljivo tudi spreminja, izgublja in na novo nastaja. Vsi ti procesi so odvisni od veliko razlicnih dejavnikov kot so npr. druzbene, gospodarske in politicne razmere in spremembe, zemljepisni polozaj, nenazadnje pa tudi od znacaja vsakega naroda posebej. Nekateri so nagnjeni k intenzivnejemu sprejemanju vsega novega, drugi trmasto vztrajajo pri svojem. V vsakem primeru pa se v ljudski glasbi ohranjajo najrazlicneje plasti, ki so sposobne ziveti druga ob drugi v vsakem trenutku. Tako je tudi z nao slovensko ljudsko glasbo. Logicno se torej vpraajmo, kako je mogoce, da so "domnevni staroselci" na naem slovenskem podrocju tako hipoma, v par desetletjih po "domnevni priselitvi", dobesedno izginili s svojim jezikom vred, prepustili pa so "domnevnim prilekom" vse tiste kulturne znacilnosti, ki jih ugotavljamo na tem podrocju "v domnevnem predslovanskem" casu in ki so glavne kulturne znacilnosti tudi dananjega slovenskega podezelja, ko vemo, da drugje po svetu ni tako. Baski se e vedno trmasto upirajo tako pancem kot Francozom, slednjim pa se ne dajo po vseh dolgih stoletjih in prav krutih Napoleonovih prizadevanjih, niti Bretonci, svoj jezik in kulturo pa e vedno ohranjajo tudi Irci in koti. Kje so torej nai "staroselci"? Nai zgodovinarji in nekateri arheologi si jih ocitno predstavljajo kot samce znane strupene vrste pajkov "crna vdova", ki jih samice po oploditvi nemudoma pozrejo. Res cudne lastnosti pripisujejo temu narodu, za katerega je znano, da ni nikdar nasilno osvajal kaknega ozemlja, razen seveda tistega "osvajalnega naseljevanja", ki mu ga taisti zgodovinarji pripisujejo brez kakrnihkoli neposrednih dokazov, ki jih je pa za druga osvajalna ljudstva v tem casu neteto. Slovenci naj bi bili torej v vseh pogledih izjema vseh izjem. Zanimivo postane tudi vpraanje toponomastike oz. imen krajev, voda, gora itd. za katere je znano, da se zelo "nerada" spreminjajo. Na osnovi etnogenetskih raziskav pri drugih narodih (npr. Francozih, Anglezih, Rusih) imamo nekaj dognanih zakonov o formiranju narodov nasploh. Tako so raziskovalci prili do osnovnega in najbolj upadljivega rezultata: najstareji, avtohtoni sloj, ostaja tudi po vecjem tevilu preslojevanj in prekrivanj najmocneji. Iz Francozov prihaja e danes na povrje njihov najgloblji in najstareji etnicni torzo: Kelt, iz Avstrijcev Slovan itd. Kateri staroselski sloj prihaja na povrje pri Slovencih? Statistika, ki se je posluzujejo nai zgodovinarji, nam govori naslednje: med vodnimi imeni na naem ozemlju, jih je le 6% taknih, ki izvirajo iz domnevne neslovanske dobe, ta delec pa je zelo blizu tudi razmerju med anticnimi in slovanskimi arheolokimi najdici. "To ire statisticno razmerje namrec ze pomeni tudi pomembno viroslovno izpoved o skromnem slovenskem stiku s staroselci (ceprav je bil po moji sodbi iri, kot je njegova, v teh virih izrazena dedicina)," pravi dalje Grafenauer. Ti naj bi izumrli, oz. naj bi se v 5.stol. izseljevali v Italijo. Kako mnocizno in kakno je bilo v nacionalnem smislu to izseljevanje prebivalstva iz Norika, je e veliko vpraanje, kar je razvidno prav iz Evgipijevega dela "zivljenje svetega Severina", saj ni prav jasno, kolikno je bilo tevilo romanskega in romaniziranega prebivalstva v delezu celotnega norikega prebivalstva. V vsakem primeru pa pri tem gotovo ni lo za tiste podezelske sloje, ki so se ukvarjali s poljedelstvom. Vsa arheoloka spoznanja o naem etnicnem ozemlju nas poucijo, da je bilo prebivalstvo tega ozemlja vedno trmasto vztrajno in odporno, nalo pa je tudi nacine obrambe proti raznim vdorom nasilnih vojakih ljudstev, to so viinske postojanke in utrjena naselja, ki jih pozna tudi nekoliko mlaja slovenska zgodovina iz casa turkih vpadov. "Naivno je verjeti v izginotje starega prebivalstva po prihodu novega, e posebej, ce bi se to dogajalo stoletja, s postopnim etnicnim spajanjem, kot naj bi bil to primer pri nas. Poleg tega je znanost utrdila tudi t.i. geobioloki zakon asimilacije. ce samo okolje in zivljenjska sredina izrazata tendenco, da novodolo prebivalstvo "pregneteta" in "prepeceta" na tisti tip in kalup, ki je ze od najstarejih casov temu okolju svojstven," pravi v svoji razpravi Vladimir Dvornikovic. Isti avtor nadalje ugotavlja, da se je na vseh, dosedaj vsaj delno raziskanih podrocjih, pokazalo, da je neslovanski sloj na Balkanu tem mocneji, cim dalje proti jugu gremo... Ena najznacilnejih paralel tega "tanjanja" slovanskega sloja proti jugu je jezikovno-dialektna razlika: mehka, slovanska kajkavcina na severu, meloritmicno in akcentno sorodna severnoslovenskim jezikom (posebej rucini) in trda tokavcina na jugu, ki tako akcentno, kot melodiozno opazno odstopa od tipicnih slovanskih jezikov... Govorno-glasbena zveza je, pravi dalje avtor, pravzaprav ena najmoznejih znacilnosti ljudske glasbe. Dejstvo je torej, da nek narod svoje ljudske kulture ne spreminja kar iznenada (vsaj v preteklosti je bilo to gotovo mnogo pocasneje kot danes, v casu modernih komunikacijskih sredstev) ter da prehajajo znacilnosti ene ljudske kulture v drugo izjemno pocasi in selektivno. Mar lahko na tej osnovi sklepamo na morebitno vecstoletno slovansko-keltsko sozitje, ki bi edino lahko pustilo sledove medsebojnih vplivov in, ki ga moramo postaviti potemtakem vsaj pol tisocletja pred zacetek naega tetja ter se s tem odpovedati uveljavljeni teoriji o "priselitvi" v 6.stol.n.Üt.? |