| This rubrik describes Slovenians, who influenced Slovenias' history, but were ignored by the powers of Great Serbia in ex - Yugoslavia. |
| Articles by Dr. Jožko Šavli: |
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Danilo Zelen |
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The Black Brothers |
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Albert Rejec - Berti |
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Jože Srebrnic |
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Fr. Miko Cortese |
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Daniel Halás |
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Ferdo Kravanja - for his 60th anniversary - by Uroš Stanic |
| Gregorij Rožman |
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The case of Gregorij Rožman has been put into archives |
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Rožmanov Proces Volume 24 No. 3 - 4 (93 - 94) Autoumn - Winter 2003 |
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The Supreme Court of Slovenia invalidated the sentence against Gregorij Rozman, the late Bishop of Lublana |
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Škof Gregorij Rozman |
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Attacks on the memory of Bishop Rožman |
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Franc Rozman - Stane |
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Prince Archbishop Francišek Borgia Sedej |
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Frank Gorshin |
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Franc Jeza |
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Ruda Jurcec |
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Matej Cvetic |
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Blessed Benvenuta Boianis |
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Col. Vladimir Vauhnik |
| A combatant for freedom |
| 1907 - 1941 |
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| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| It was in 1997, when I accidentally attended the inauguration of the memorial to Danilo Zelen, a TIGR fighter, which took place in the borough of Senožece. Until then, I hardly had been aware of TIGR, the Slovenian liberation movement, which between the First and the Second World War operated in Littoral, when this province pertained to Italy. This organization came to life when the then Italian Fascist regime carried out a policy of ethnic genocide against the Slovenian inhabitants living there. After the Second World War, the most part of Littoral was annexed to Yugoslavia. However, during the Yugoslav Communist regime all those memories about the TIGR fighters remained concealed to the public. These materials were not published. Only after Slovenia's independence was it possible to gather corresponding documents about the genocide. |
| At the end of the WW1, the Austrian Monarchy collapsed. Slovenian populated provinces, like Carniola with the capital Lublana, and Lower Styria with Maribor, passed under the new constituted Yugoslavia. The province of Littoral with Trieste came under Italy, where approximately 400.000 Slovenians were living. The cities of Trieste and Gorizia were prevalently Italian, the country Slovenian. |
| In 1922, in Rome, the Fascist movement came into power. It was a nationalistic, military and expansionistic regime, which soon set in motion a violent Italianization policy in the Littoral province. Slovenian schools, savings banks, cultural associations, press etc. were abolished. The Fascist oligarchy educated the Italian people in the belief, that they pertain to a superior nation, who, in contrast to the »inferior« Slavs, should have been the followers of the history and culture of ancient Rome. The Slovenian language was forbidden. |
| The discrimination was not only national but also social. A Slovenian could not find employment, all positions were delegated to Italians, they even were brought into Littoral from outside. Therefore, thousands of Slovenians left Italy for Yugoslavia in search for jobs. In Littoral, the survival of the Slovenian people was bound to the villages only. In such a situation it was inevitable, that resistance arose against the Fascist regime. One of its leaders was Danilo Zelen. |
| Danilo Zelen was born in 1907 in Senožece, a borough between Postojna and Trieste. He was the sixth child in his family. His father was a merchant, and his mother Marija Delak was a housewife. In 1917, during the WW1, he was sent to Lublana, where he visited the well-known Realka school (college for modern sciences). |
| The borough of Senožece came under Italy, too. Anyway, he continued his schooling in Lublana, which after WW1 pertained to Yugoslavia (Slovenia). In 1925, he graduated and immatriculated the Department of Electrotechnics at the Faculty of Technology (University of Lublana). In 1929 he became citizen of Yugoslavia. Some years later, in 1933, the Zelen family moved to Lublana. |
| The fate of his native Littoral, that he loved so much, gave Danilo great pain. He suffered watching how the Italian Fascist regime was destroying the Slovenian economy, culture, schools, savings banks... and how they denied the right to speak and sing Slovenian in public.... In his soul the spirit of resistance matured, and he was not alone in his feelings. Many boys and men all over Littoral and abroad shared the same sentiments with him. But among them, Danilo Zelen certainly was the most determined, he was prepared for everything. He did not hesitate to risk his life for the freedom of his countrymen in Littoral. |
| At the beginning of his university studies, Danilo Zelen passed some examinations and enrolled in new semesters. But soon he dedicated himself to the underground activity for the liberation movement of Littoral. It began to be called TIGR, and its adherents were simply called »tigrovci« - tigrs. This movement arose in response to the Fascist violence toward the Slovenian inhabitants in this country. Italian Fascist groups called squadrists, for example, were attacking Slovenian people for the simple reason, because they spoke their mother tongue in public. |
| The TIGR activity strengthened after 1927 in Littoral, when the Fascist regime suppressed Slovenian schools, associations, banks and savings banks... In the midst of this terrorism, the tigrs organized the spread of Slovenian literature, school books, and murch more... They set on fire schools and kindergartens, which Italianized the Slovenian youth. Their illegal organ was called Svoboda (i.e. liberty, 1929 - 1940). |
| Danilo Zelen associated with TIGR, when he participated in a secret guerilla course in Littoral, in 1928. Instructions and preparations took place on the site of Cvetrež, a plateau close to the village Kal above the borough Kanal (Littoral). In the following year, he met Franjo Marušic, Zvonimir Miloš and other fellows on Vremšcica hill, near his birth place Senožece. Another meeting was held on the hill of Razklani hrib. There, he was completely in agreement with Ferdinand Bidovec, that weapons would be needed also for a successful fight against the Fascist oppression. Bidovec was the leader of the illegal Slovenian youth organization of Trieste. |
| Toward the 30s, the TIGR activity against the Fascist regime strengthened. It quasi grew into a guerilla movement, which operated in the hinterland of Trieste. The leading role was given to Danilo Zelen and his close collaborators: Pepi Kukec, Tone Cernac, and from the Gorica region, Franc Fortunat and Stanko Kamenšcek. The guerilla fighters carried out sabotage operations, but made also attempts on the life of Fascist functionaries and spies, who had passionate hatred against Slovenians. In those years, the TIGR operations were conducted in particular in the Pivka region (surroundings of Postojna). The tigrs illegally transferred explosives, bombs... from Yugoslavia. |
| The attack on the editorial of the Fascist daily, Il Popolo di Trieste, carried out on January 1930, resounded all over the country. It was prepared by young tigrs, because the daily with its chauvinistic articles continuously instigated the Italian public and sowed enmity between the Italians and the Slovenians. |
| Contact with the Italian Antifascists |
| After the attack, the Pivka region was rounded-up by police and military. Many TIGR cells were discovered and their members were arrested. Others escaped to Yugoslavia. The Fascist regime took out a warrant against Danilo Zelen. In September 1930, on the First Trial of Trieste against the TIGR warriors, his name was mentioned as one of the chief protagonists of the Slovenian rebellion. |
| Then, Danilo Zelen and Tone Cernac went to Paris, where they met with representatives of the Italian emigrant associations: Concentrazione antifascista, Giustizia e Libertà, Partito Communista Italiano... There, Danilo Zelen made contact with Raffaelle Rossetti, the bearer of the gold medal, who, at the end of the WW1, had prepared the sinking of Viribus Unitis, the Austrian admiral ship. He was an opponent of Fascism and lived in Paris. |
| The discussions with the Italian anti-Fascist groups demonstrated, that they, in the post-Fascist era, were willing to recognize autonomy to the Slovenian people of Littoral, but nothing more. In spite of this, TIGR continued to collaborate with them: large quantities of illegal Italian antifascist brochures were brought from Yugoslavia and spread through the net of confidants in Italy, and many persecuted anti-Fascist persons received assistance to escape across the frontier to Yugoslavia. In 1935, the Italian Communist party agreed to self-determination of the Slovenian Littorals. The pact was signed by the TIGR representatives: Albert Rejec, Danilo Zelen and Just Godnic. |
| The military leader of TIGR |
| In the 30s, Danilo Zelen and his group continued sabotage actions all over Littoral. In 1934, for example, he and around thirty other members smuggled large quantities of weapons into the country from Yugoslavia and warehoused them in secret locations. Already at that time they anticipated a general revolt. Also, attempts were made on the life of perilous Fascist officials, but these cases were rare. The most spectacular was the intended attempt on the life of Mussolini, who visited Kobarid, in 1938. Franc Kavs from Cezsoca (near Bovec) was to perform the execution. Danilo Zelen prepared the explosives. However, because of the masses of people and possible victims, the action was postponed. |
| When Danilo Zelen gathered volunteer freedom fighters, he usually said to them: »I want you to know that we will not yield for recognition. There is no reward for our battle. But as you can see for yourself, we cannot support any longer this situation. We have to break this slavery...«. He repeated his famous statement everywhere. He did not meet a single person with empty promises. In the contrary, he retained them with sincere words like these: A long battle as a sacrifice of an elite, which is aware to deliver the people in need. |
| The outburst of the Second World War, in 1939, alarmed TIGR and the national Slovenian feeling. On the horizon changes started to reflect on the international level and therewith the possibility of salvation from the Italian Fascist regime. Large quantities of weapons have been contraband from Yugoslavia and stocked at secret posts. A general revolt, which should have included all of Littoral, was in sight. The sabotage actions intensified. They also diffused in the territory of Austria, which was already occupied by Nazi Germany. The organizer of sabotage operations was Danilo Zelen, the military leader of TIGR. |
| At that time, relations were maintained with the Secret Intellingence Service. Its Section D had in Slovenia a certain confident, A. C. Lawrenson by name, who was an English teacher at the Lublana University. Since 1940, this section was called SOE (Special Operations Executive). TIGR was connected with this section through Ivan Maria Cok (pron. tchok), the Slovenian politician from Trieste, who found shelter in Yugoslavia. In the SOE documents TIGR is known as »Cok's organization«, or »Slovene Patriotic Organization« or even »our Slovene organization«. In Littoral (Italy) they were called »Slovene irredentists in Istria«. |
| Through Ivan Maria Cok, and very probably through Albert Rejec, the political leader of TIGR, the English financed the organization and supplied explosives. Since the beginning of the WW2, the English were interested to sabotage railways in order to disturb the supply of their adversaries. Therefore, on the railways in Slovenia, the tigrs »treated« (disabled) the enemy oil and freight wagons. At the beginning of 1941, excerpts of British telegrams spoke about these »treatments«, which amounted to 13,843 wagons: 5,215 German, 5,193 Italian, 1,448 Bulgarian, 278 Hungarian, and 1,700 others. Evidently, since the outburst of the WW2 (1939), this type of sabotage was carried out mostly on the frontier railway stations of Rakek, Jesenice, Maribor, and even Lublana. |
| The end of TIGR |
| German and Italian secret services discovered the TIGR connections with England and Danilo Zelen's expertise in sabotage operations. In 1940, the Belgrade government was requested to arrest all TIGR leaders. Indeed, it took out a warrant against them and they were captured. Danilo Zelen escaped the arrest and took refuge in different places - first in Belgrade, then in Lublana and finally in the surroundings of Reka (Fiume) and Novi, at the Adriatic coast (Croatia). |
| In the meantime, in Littoral, the Italian Fascist regime carried out the second raid. In 1940, the main operational posts of the TIGR resistance were discovered. They were found in the surroundings of Postojna, Ilirska Bistrica, Bovec and in the Baca Valley. The leading tigrs and many of their followers were arrested. In December 1941, preparations were underway for the Second Trial of Trieste, in which five TIGR members were condemned to death; others were jailed for a very long time. It was the end of TIGR in Littoral. |
| In Yugoslavia, toward the end of March 1941, the government signed the joining pact with Germany and Italy. This provoked large protests. In Belgrade, the English secret service made use of the situation and organized a putsch. So, a new pro-English government was installed in Yugoslavia. As a consequence, the TIGR leaders were released from prison. But on April 6, Germany and Italy attacked Yugoslavia. At that point in time, the tigrs founded the Soška legija (Isonzo League), a detachment of the Yugoslav army. On the 9th of April nearly 3,000 men and boys of Littoral origin gathered in Novo mesto, they were coming from all corners of Slovenia. Anyway, the Yugoslav army was already falling into decay. |
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| Danilo Zelen in the woods |
| Because the Belgrade warrant on Danilo Zelen lost its validity after the putsch, he was enrolled into the Yugoslav army. But the Yugoslav resistance collapsed after a few days of fighting. Then, the tigrs made preparations to continue the fight as guerillas against the occupiers. The meeting was supposed to take place on the hill of Mala gora near the borough of Ribnica (south of Lublana). |
| It was on May 13th, when the first three tigrs arrived on Mala gora: Danilo Zelen, Ferdo Kravanja, and Anton Majnik. They expected other members as to organize a revolt group against the occupiers. The Italian garrison in Ribnica was informed. Then, the Italian soldiers together with the ex-Yugoslav gendarmes encircled the tigrs, who found shelter in a cottage. During the shootout Kravanja was badly wounded, Danilo Zelen found his death, whereas Anton Majnik was caught and chained, but he succeeded to escape. |
| In order to officially identify the body, Danilo's mother was called from Lublana. First she looked at her dead son, and then sharply into the eyes of the Italian soldiers, who for 13 years wanted her son. Then, she said: »This is not my son!« Even though she felt heartbroken over her great loss, she would not give satisfaction to the occupiers. She would mourn him and weep alone. After the war, she had exhumed the remains of her son and transferred them to the cemetery in Lublana. |
| Because of rigorous conspiracy, no detailed reports were preserved concerning the operations, which Danilo Zelen organized and carried out. During the war several tigrs were executed by the partisan security service, led by the Communists. |
| After the war, the Yugoslav regime discriminated and even persecuted surviving tigrs. In a secret way the Yugoslav regime proclaimed an anathema about TIGR and its activity. Therefore, all memories about surviving members were wiped out; they were not archived or published. In the 80s, the anathema was partially interrupted. It was not until after the declaration of independence of Slovenia that the interest about TIGR has been revived. |
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| The memorial of Danilo Zelen in Senožece, erected in 1997. |
| In Littoral, an association was founded in order to cultivate the remembrance of these heroic warriors. In 1997, the association erected a memorial for Danilo Zelen in his birth place Senožece. Memorials for other tigrs followed. Nevertheless, the Slovenian historiography continued to maintain a negative standpoint towards TIGR, as it was obligatory under the former Yugoslavia. |
| On April 27, 2005, the new Slovenian government, which was elected into power in 2004, unexpectedly honoured the TIGR members in an official celebration on Mala gora. Then, Prime Minister Janez Janša stressed in a solemn speech, that in 1941 the tigrs led the first combat of Slovenian resistance against the occupiers. Until then, this honour was ascribed to the Communist Party. It was a collapse of the official interpretation about the Slovenian resistance during the Second World War. On May 14, 2005, in Lublana, a memorial plaque was inaugurated on the house, where the family of Danilo Zelen once lived. |
| It is not very clear, why the Yugoslav party and its structures ordered to conceal the TIGR's fight for freedom and the persecution of the tigrs. Most people voice their opinion, that the Communist Party demanded the privilege to honour the first and unique resistance organization against the occupiers of Slovenia in 1941. Another reason certainly was the great Slovenian patriotism of the tigrs. Very probably, in the tigrs' patriotism the Belgrade regime saw a step toward the Slovenian self-affirmation and possible independence. After some decades, as the political development shows, the regime was not mistaken about Slovenia sliding towards independence. |
| Selected Bibliography: |
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Abert Rejec: Lik Danila Zelena /Image of Danilo Zelen/, published in: August Sfiligoj's »Boj Slovencev pod fašizmom za narodne pravice« /The battle of Slovenians under the Fascism for the national rights/, Gorica 1984 | |
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PSBL /Slovenian biographic lexicon of Littoral/, vol. 17, device: Zelen Danilo, Gorica 1991 | |
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Albert Rejec - Tonce Cernac - Jože Vadnjal: Pricevanja o TIGRu /Testifies about TIGR/, Lublana 1995 | |
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Gorazd Bajc: Zapletena razmerja /Complex Relations/, Koper 2000, p. 81 - 90. The author quotes documents concerning Ivan Maria Cok and TIGR, kept in the Public Record Office in London. | |
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Borut Rutar: Iz primorske epopeje /From the Littoral epopee/, Celovec - Lublana - Dunaj 2004 | |
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| The year was 1930 |
| Slovenian schoolboys against the Italian Fascist regime |
| Mirko, the youngest of them, died of police torture |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| After the First World War, the Austrian Monarchy collapsed and the Austrian Littoral (Trieste, Gorica and Istria) came under the control of Italy. Soon after, the nationalistic Fascist regime gained power in Italy. It was a tyrannical regime that persecuted the Slovenian population and brought suffering and death to thousands of innocent people. In fact, the ethnic minority of ca. 320.000 Slovenians make up the majority of the province's population. Several resistance groups were formed among the Slovenian people to protest against the persecution. The most important of them all was TIGR. Nevertheless, there was also active resistance against the persecution among the youth. Thus, in 1930 a group of schoolboys formed an association called Crni bratje (pron. tch'rni bratye, literally Black Brothers). The fate of these individuals, who were only teen-agers at the time, is still touching us today. |
| Being under Italian authority, the resistance groups in Littoral aimed for the annexation to Yugoslavia, which at that time was regarded as the »motherland« of Slovenians. Indeed, after the WW2 the largest part of Littoral had been annexed to this state. However, the great dream of the Yugoslav »motherland« proved to be in vain. The Communist regime of Belgrade suppressed the publishing of any recollection concerning the anti-Fascist resistance in Littoral. This was the result of a secret agreement between Belgrade and Rome. |
| In 1952, the well-known Slovenian writer, France Bevk, published a book entitled »Crni bratje«. It was a literary shaping of the fate of the aforesaid teenager group. The book was published several times. Until the defeat of Yugoslavia, this was the only book that acknowledged the one-time existence of the Black Brothers. - When I grew up in the 50s, I heard of Bevk's book. But either myself or my fellow friends were attracted by its content. We were not aware of the testifying, that the author wanted to convey to the younger Slovenian generation. Besides, the book was also impregnated by the writer's own creative fantasy and, therefore, did not give the impression of historical accuracy. It remained a literary work only until the full truth was discovered after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. |
| Why »black«? - The Crni bratje (Black Brothers), it is true, were a secret group of Slovenian youngsters in Gorica (Gorizia). They fought for the liberation of Littoral from Fascism and from Italy. The group was formed in September of 1930. It is said, that the group had chosen their name from the Carbonari, an Italian secret movement of the 19th century, who fought for the unification of the Italian provinces to a common Italian State. Nevertheless, such an explanation, in my opinion, is certainly wrong. The secret movement of the Carbonari, it is true, might have been known to the youngsters. By the way, the Carbonari were named after »carbone« (coal, charcoal). Anyway, the (sordid) black colour of coal is not very attractive to represent the name of a group. Besides that, the Carbonari were an Italian movement. After WW1, Italy was ruled by the oppressive Fascist regime, and in such an environment it is not very likely, that Slovenian schoolboys wanted to be called after an Italian movement. |
| Therefore, the reason for the name Crni bratje has to be searched in the Slovenian historical tradition. In fact, the ancient Slovenian word crni does not only mean black but also defensive. Both significations are independently meaningful and derived from the former two etymons: crni (black) and cerni (defensive), which existed in Slovenian. Later, both etymons associated into one single form: »crni« meaning both, black and defensive. A mountain with a defensive position is often called Crna gora (literally: black mountain), which in fact is not »black«. Until the WW1, the Slovenian territorial defence still bore the name Crna vojska (literally: black army, in fact: protection guard). In our case, the name Crni bratje (Black Brothers) could only have meant a defensive group, and respectively fraternity. |
| Their aim was as follows: the diffusion of Slovenian publications and national symbols among confidential people, above all among the youth; elaboration and diffusion of pamphlets with anti-Italian and national-defensive devices; destruction of Fascist monuments erected on Slovenian soil; acquisition and storage of weapons and collaboration across the frontier, i.e., with groups in Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, for such combative tasks they were much too young. |
| The Founding of the organization |
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| Zorko Rejec from Grahovo (* 1915), the ideator and chairman, and Danilo Pirec from Bovec (* 1912), the vice-chairman of the Black Brothers. |
| As it seems, the idea about the brothers had matured in the mind of Zorko Rejec, a native of Grahovo, in the Baca Valley. He was a student of the Italian gymnasium in Gorica (Gorizia, Görz). On June 15, 1930, he and some other boys tried to cross the frontier into Yugoslavia (Slovenia). Two fellows were arrested by the Italian frontier guard, others were dispersed. Anyway, Zorko (Albin) came to Lublana and took lodgings with his uncle. There he met several refugees from Italy, who informed him about the real happenings in Littoral (Italy). The primary problem was not only the interdiction of the Slovenian language in public, the interdiction of the Slovenian press, abolition of Slovenian associations, schools, savings banks, but the persecution of Slovenian patriots by the Fascist secret service Ovra, brutal punishment and tortures in jails, etc. |
| In September of the same year Zorko's mother came to Lublana and took him back home to his native Grahovo. However, the following day Zorko was stopped by the Italian police, brought for questioning to Tolmin and condemned to two months arrest with a suspended sentence, because of illegal border crossing. Thereafter, Zorko continued his studies at the gymnasium in Gorica, and every day he had to take the train from Grahovo in order to get there. |
| Zorko Rejec was in the third grade of the gymnasium, and in the second grade there was another patriotic boy, Mirko Brezavšcek by name. He originated from Gorenje Cerovo in Brda (Collio), a hilly region near Gorica. The Fascist terror that ruled over Slovenians had a deep affect on Mirko, too. The two boys agreed to establish a secret association against the Italian Fascist regime. At that time, Zorko was 15 and Mirko was 13 years old. |
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Mirko Brezavšcek from Gorenje Cerovo (* 1917), the person in charge of press and literature. He died of Fascist tortures on February 21, 1931. |
| This was the very beginning of the Crni bratje (Black Brothers), soon joined by new members, like Danilo Pirec from Bovec, in upper Soca (Isonzo) Valley, Just Brezigar from Podgora near Gorica and several other youngsters. Now, the group consisted of 18 boys. The leadership was composed as follows: Zorko Rejec as chairman; Danilo Pirec as vice-chairman, Mirko Brezavšcek responsible for Slovenian press and literature; Franc Torkar as frontier commissar; Avguštin Škerjanec as secretary and cashier; all others were organizers, active in the field of terrorism, according to the Fascist police. |
| Meetings were held in a cavern close to the Soca River and in the pub »pri Maksu« (Max' place). Their initial function was the distribution of leaflets with anti-Fascist and anti-Italian contents; they were taking down Italian flags... Anyway, they also courageously planned sabotage, in particular targets closely connected with Fascist tokens... It was the time, when the Fascist tribunal in Trieste condemned several TIGR-leaders and shot four of them in Bazovica on September 6, 1930. Leaflets, informing the public about the atrocities in Trieste, were found all over the city centre of Gorica, which outraged the Fascist police. Relatively soon the group was discovered. |
| After Rejec's conviction, he was betrayed by his Italian schoolmate, Annibale Bonnini by name, the son of an Italian railwayman in Sveta Lucija (now Most na Soci). Every day, Annibale, too, had to take the same train to Gorica, and at one point he apparently witnessed as Zorko received pamphlets from Mirko. On December 11, 1930, Zorko was arrested. Then, the Fascist police tracked Mirko Brezavšcek, who had a list of the Black Brothers. |
| On December 17, in the police jail of Gorica the following youngsters were imprisoned: Zorko Rejec (* 1915), schoolboy (from Grahovo), Mirko Brezavšcek (* 1913), schoolboy (from Gorenje Cerovo), Just Brezigar (* 1915), schoolboy (from Podgora), Franc Torkar (* 1912), shop-assistant (from Podbrdo), Stanislav Gorkic (* 1915), schoolboy (from Vrtojba), Danilo Pirec (* 1912), schoolboy (from Bovec), Ivan Verdikon (* 1914), schoolboy (from Solkan), Rafael Brešan (* 1913), shoemaker (from Podgora), Radislav Swyszczuk (* 1915), mechanic and Polish citizen, Ivan Gašpercic (* 1913), shop-assistant (from Solkan), Avguštin Škerjanc (* 1915), shop-assistant (from Bazovica), Viktor Grohar (* 1911), mechanic (from Bled), Rudolf Munih (* 1908), tailor (from Podbrdo), Franc Lapajne (* 1907), tailor (from Cerkno), Karlo ˇbogar (* 1911), schoolboy (from Most na Soci). - Two members, schoolboy Franc Hvalic (from Gorica) and shoemaker Peter Levpušcek (from Pevma) evaded the arrestation. |
| The prosecutors discovered the detailed activity of the group. In the bush close to Gorenje Cerovo some dynamite, a bomb and gunpowder were found also. At the arrest, Zorko Rejec was solely responsible for the pamphlets with the inscription: Death to Italy - Yugoslavia forever! The boys confessed that they had planned sabotage on Italian monuments. |
| Anyway, for the Fascist police it was of utmost importance to force a confession from the boys about their association with terrorist groups in Yugoslavia. The point of this was to prove that the organization was of international extent. After two weeks of hearing the interrogators illustrated in their protocol a concrete story, which Zorko Rejec should have confessed: He was entrusted to organize a secret association of young Slovenians with the task to prepare attacks on monuments as well as gather military data, and for such activity the group received instructions and money from Yugoslavia. |
| Not earlier then some decades later Zorko Rejec had the opportunity to explain the true situation, when he said (1976): I was arrested for seven days without food... Every day I was beaten in order to confess that I associated in Lublana with anti-Italian groups, who gave me instructions to establish in Italy a terrorist organization to fight against the regime, and that I received money and weapons for this purpose. Day after day I was threatened, that soon I would be shot or thrown through the window... The Black Brothers confessed that they were led by Yugoslavia because of the horrible tortures they were exposed to; the interrogators registered in their protocols whatever they wanted, and the Black Brothers had to sign the protocols without reading them; it was only then and not earlier that the beating stopped... Nevertheless, for the youngest of the group it was already too late. |
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| The grave of Mirko Brezavšcek, cemetery in Gorenje Cerovo, Brda (Slovenia) |
| In fact, at that time Mirko Brezavšcek was still a child. Therefore, the interrogators expected to brake him very soon. In order for him to confess whatever they wanted he was brutally beaten. But he couldn't say what he didn't know. - The interrogatory ended on December 30, 1930. Then, the boys were transferred to the judicial jail. There, Mirko remained lying down, he could no longer stand on his feet. His condition was deteriorating and he was transported to the hospital. He vomited blood. On January 28, 1931, his mother visited him and she took him home to Gorenje Cerovo. There, Mirko died in pain and suffering on February 21. The following day a large crowd attended his funeral. It was a silent protest against the Fascist terror and the Italian police was largely on hand to take action if necessary. The funeral rite in Slovenian language was forbidden. Mirko Brezavšcek was laid to rest without a Slovenian word, prayer, or mourning song. |
| Because of Mirko's death not only the people of Littoral, but the whole world was in shock. In Zagreb, at the meeting of the Istrian Academic Club, a commemoration was held for Mirko. On March 12, 1931, the daily Jutro (Lublana) published the news and stressed the ongoing horror. The public in Slovenia and in Yugoslavia was disgusted. Articles about torture and death of a child were also published by other newspapers, like the Arbeiter Zeitung (Vienna), Slovenec (Lublana), Tiroler Anzeiger (Innsbruck), Zagrebške Novosti (Zagreb)... |
| As a result, Rome felt intimidated because of its international prestige and they released the Black Brothers. Anyway, they were expelled from all schools of the Kingdom of Italy, and for two years they were under police surveillance. The control meant, that they were forbidden to participate in any public manifestations; they had to be at home between evening and morning hours, and without police permission they could not leave the house. It ruined their life carrier. |
| In the years to come, each Black Brother went his own way. Still under Italy, some of them were more often in confinement. Three of them, Franc Hvalic, Rudolf Munih and Rafael Brešan lost their life in a very tragic way during the WW2. Zorko Rejec escaped to Yugoslavia and studied in Belgrade. During the WW2, the Nazis put him into a labour camp. But he escaped to the partisans... In the dossier of the Yugoslav secret service he bears the denotation »traitor« !? |
| After the Second World War, a large part of Littoral came under English and American military administration (1945 - 1947). Then, the majority of the province was annexed to Yugoslavia, where the Communist regime of Belgrade was established. In fact, it was a great-Serbian regime. Under its administration, the fate of the one-time Black Brothers was not particularly benign. Their fight against the Fascist regime and for Yugoslavia was not acknowledged. It happened like in the case of the TIGR-members. The BlackBrothers vegetated in different jobs. Not only that! Danilo Pirec withdrew himself perhaps to Italy († 1996), Kamilo Rijavec had to search for a new job in Germany († 1984). Under the English American occupation, Ivan Verdikon was a gendarme (cerin) in his native Solkan. Then, he too left the country and went West; no one ever heard of him again. |
| The fate of Ivan Gašpercic deserves particular attention. During the WW2 he was sent to Dachau, where he was exposed to medical experiments. He was ill and weak when he returned from concentration camp. Nevertheless, Belgrade gave secret instructions, in sense of which homecomers from concentration camps should be regarded as »collaborators« with the camp authorities, otherwise they should not have survived the camp life. It was still under the English American occupation of Littoral when the confidants of the Yugoslav secret service tried to kill Ivan Gašpercic. However, he escaped and found shelter in Italy. There his disease made progress. Anyway, Italy granted him a military pension. In 1969, he died in Rome at the age of 57. He was a victim of Fascism, Nazism and Communism. |
| Why did the Belgrade regime blockade all memories about the one-time Black Brothers after the WW2? Moreover, why did it discriminate them and, in the case of Gašpercic, even persecute him? The reason could have been, that this happened in sense of the Rome - Belgrade secret agreement. During the post-war time, Italy was mainly interested to show itself in the eyes of Europe as a victim of German occupation. To achieve this purpose, the aggressions of the Fascist regime before the WW2 had to be covered up. Belgrade and its great-Serbian clique were rewarded in different ways for not pointing out the persecutions and crimes committed by the Fascist regime. |
| Another reason, maybe even more important for Belgrade, was the fact, that in this way the Slovenian national consciousness continued to be destroyed. The early anti-Fascist resistance in Littoral, the character of which was only Slovenian and pluralistic, disturbed the Yugoslav Communist ideology. So, after Belgrade’s silent instructions, the anti-Fascist resistance pertained to the Slovenian Communist Party only, which was under its control. The situation was presented in the way, that the Slovenian Communist Party itself would have had the primate in the anti-Fascist resistance, which in fact began with the liberation war at the beginning of the WW2, in 1941. In contrast to that, the anti-Fascist resistance in Littoral, represented by the TIGR group and also by the humble Black Brothers, began already in 1928. Therefore, the resistance of the Littoral patriots had to be concealed. The blame, of course, was placed on the shoulders of the Slovenian Communist Party. |
| Such an explanation can only be a cheap trick, under which a continual anti-Slovenian policy of Belgrade is hiding with no end in sight. The Slovenian Communist Party served merely as a fig leaf to cover Belgrade. |
| Selected Bibliography: |
|
Mira Cencic: Crni bratje, in: Mladika Nr. 10, Trieste 2004, and Nr. 1, Trieste 2005 | |
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Tatjana Malec: Bratovšcina »Crni bratje«, in: Primorska srecanja Nr. 277 - 278, Nova Gorica 2004 | |
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Bogomil Gerlanc: Crni bratje (appendix of the issue of aforesaid Bevks' book of 1984), p. 138 | |
|
Zorko Rejec: Zapisnik pricevanja /Protocol of testifying/, on September 22, Solkan 1976 | |
|
Dušan Brezavšcek: Petdesetletnica crnih bratov in smrt štirinajstletnega Mirka Brezavšcka /50th anniversary of black brothers and death of 14 years-old Mirko Brezavšcek/, in: Primorska srecanja 1981 | |
|
| Albert Rejec - Berti |
| A Slovenian patriot of Littoral, leader of TIGR |
| Not forgotten - but also not recognized |
| 1899 - 1976 |
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| Albert Rejec (1899 - 1976), portray |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| In Yugoslavia after the Second World war, the activities of TIGR, the resistance organization of Slovenian boys and men in Littoral during the Italian Fascist regime, was suppressed for several decades. In my opinion, this was the result of a secret agreement between Belgrade and Rome. |
| Let me start this article by introducing a member of TIGR, who I happened to see occasionally during my childhood years in Tolmin. He was a native of our town by the name of Albert Rejec, but people called him Berti. In the 50s, I met him sometimes on the street. I still remember his somewhat curved and rather humble entrance door. My mother said to me that he is the leader of TIGR, which I could not picture very well or understand. But the word TIGR remained in my head. |
| Several other ex-members of the TIGR movement lived in the surroundings of Tolmin. During the WW2 they were partisans. One of them was my uncle Pepi Jermol. But he never talked about his activities within the organization. On the other hand, our town atmosphere was full of partisan stories. In this way, the new Communist Yugoslav regime wanted to substantiate their superiority in the public mind. |
| The true patriotic family Rejec owned a house in Zalog, a suburb of Tolmin. Their residence was known as the »pri Kovacu« (the Smith House). Members of the family were sisters Toncka, Ivanka, Mici, Vida and the brothers Albert (Berti) and Maks. It was still during the Austrian Monarchy when Albert Rejec (* 1899) visited the gymnasium in Gorica. In 1915 the First World War broke out, and the Rejec family had to retreat to Carniola, where Albert continued his studies at the diocesan gymnasium in Št. Vid above Lublana. At the end of the war, he graduated with honours. |
| Then, the province of Littoral with its native town Tolmin was annexed to Italy. Back home again, he worked as an interpreter for Slovenian and German languages, at first in Tolmin and later at the supreme court in Rome. In 1922, he collaborated against the Fascist marches that took place on the streets in Rome. Subsequently he lost his job and had to earn a living as a private instructor. At that time he was already in contact with the Slovenian politicians in Littoral. In 1924 he became ill of tuberculosis returned to Tolmin. But he overcame the disease and remained very active. |
| His activity was mainly focused on the organization of Slovenian classes, because the Italian Fascist regime suppressed all Slovenian schools in Littoral. He also helped to organize numerous excursions into the beautiful surrounding mountain area, where young Slovenians could have undisturbed discussions. In 1925, he assumed the post of secretary for Edinost, a Slovenian political association, which published in Trieste the daily paper, also called Edinost (Concord). Berti Rejec edited the Gorica page of the daily until December 1928. Besides being an accomplished editor, he was a tireless organizer. |
| He also associated with the Slovenian resistance group called TIGR (abbrev. Trst - Gorica - Istra - Reka), founded in Trieste in 1925. Its aim was to fight against the oppressive Italian Fascist regime. In 1927, a secret TIGR-board was founded in Gorica. Its members were Albert Rejec, Zorko Jelincic, Avgust Sfiligoj and Just Gruden. In connection with the TIGR-activity, Albert Rejec established among other things the secret channel Bohinj (Yugoslavia) - Baca Valley (Italy). Through this channel Slovenian books and literature were shipped to Littoral, where the publishing of such material was suppressed by the Italian Fascist regime. In 1928, the Italian police discovered the channel and Rejec had to go in hiding for many months. Then, in 1929 he crossed the border to Yugoslavia. |
| But the authorities did not permit him to stay in Slovenia, he had to report to Belgrade. Around 1930, when the seat of the central immigration department of Littoral was founded in Belgrade, Albert Rejec assumed the post of general secretary under the illegal name of Anton Mladen. In this way he covered up his involvement in the TIGR activities. Anyway, he made many trips to Slovenia. |
| In Littoral (Italy), the TIGR members continued their active fight against the Fascist regime until they were discovered by the Fascist police. In 1930, the first trial against TIGR-activists was held in Trieste. Around 80 accused members were on the hit list. There were 4 death sentences. Several »tigrs« got 30, 20, 15, 10 years... It was a serious setback for the TIGR movement. |
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| Board of TIGR movement outside of Littoral (after 1930): |
| Albert Rejec, Danilo Zelen, Just Godnic, Tone Cernac, Ferdo Kravanja. |
| In such a situation, a second secret TIGR-board was founded in Slovenia (Yugoslavia). Its members were: Albert Rejec, Danilo Zelen, Tone Cernac, Just Godnic, and later also Ferdo Kravanja (1935). Under its leadership, the »tigrs« continued to take action against the Fascist regime and its institutions. In particular, they set ablaze the Italianizing institutions in Slovenian territory. Such were the Italian kindergartens and elementary schools, established by the Fascist regime in order to Italianize the Slovenian youth. |
| The »tigrs« received plenty of weapons from Littoral compatriots, serving in the Yugoslav royal army. In 1939, they established relations with the English, concretely said with the Secret Intelligence Service. The English supplied them explosives. Rejec' role in this activity was above all political and organizational. If he was personally involved in leading and co-ordinating actions, is not possible to individualise. |
| The TIGR rangers themselves carried out numerous sabotage operations, not only on the Italian side but also in nearby Carinthia (Austria), which since 1938 was occupied by Germany. Through Ferdo Kravanja in Jesenice, in the proximity of the Carinthian border, explosives and weapons were delivered also to anti-Nazi groups stationed there under the leadership of Alojz Knez. Their sabotage operations targeted in particular railway lines. Especially, the sabotage in the proximity of Judenburg had a deep resounding. |
| By all means, the individual actions of Albert Rejec could not have been ignored. In capacity of a TIGR-leader he was well exposed. So, the Fascist security service called Ovra as well as the Gestapo to track him down. In 1940, Italy and Germany demanded his extradition. For this purpose, the Yugoslav government issued a warrant and put a reward of 25,000 Dinars on his head. Since that time he was forced to live in the underground. In 1941, Belgrade was occupied by Nazi troops. The Gestapo soon was aware, that Rejec was hiding there. But he managed to escape before he was arrested. He took lodgings in Niš. There, the Gestapo was on his heels again, but he escaped in the surrounding area. |
| In December 1941, the second trial began in Trieste against 60 imprisoned and 10 non-present TIGR members. Nine death sentences were carried out. Anyway, four of them were pardoned to life imprisonment, others were killed by gun shots. At that time the TIGR liberation movement already desisted. Most of its members joined the partisans at the Liberation Front. Regretfully, they were exclusively led by the Communist Party, which saw in Slovenian patriotism only an obstacle for its plan of the revolution. |
| Therefore, many patriotic partisans were liquidated. One of them, in 1943, was Dr. Maks Rejec (*1907), Albert's younger brother. He was a great Slovenian patriot as well, first a TIGR member and then partisan. But evidently he was too democratic. For a successful liberation of Slovenia he foresaw, as it seems, contacts with the Western allies, while the partisan leadership, in sense of the world revolution, was connected only with Tito and Stalin. |
| In 1944, Belgrade was liberated, and Albert Rejec returned to this city. However, at the beginning of 1945 he was arrested and imprisoned in the ill-famed jail Glavnjaca. He might have been shot, if his Littoral compatriot, Ivan Regent, a well-known Slovenian Communist member, would not have guaranteed for him. Thereafter, he went back to Slovenia. |
| Since 1948, Albert Rejec worked for the Intitute for National Affairs (Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja) in Lublana. In July 1958, he was suspected of revival of the TIGR movement and was interrogated at the police station. In the following year of 1959, he was forced to go on pension. Then he entered the field of journalism. |
| Soon after the war, the Yugoslav police ordered to dig up the iron chest, which at the beginning of the war was buried in the garden on Kosovel St. 11, in Lublana. It contained all exemplars of TIGR publications. The chest disappeared. Nothing was published about TIGR in newspapers or magazines. Its memory was erased by broadcast and television... Evidently, all these doings were carried out in sense of a secret directive given by Belgrade. Why? |
| The TIGR's Slovenian patriotism was based on a plural weltanschauung of his members. This is clearly evident from the words of Albert Rejec' widow, Tatjana Srebot - Rejec, who said about her husband: He looked at the national problems from a perspective, where conceptions like »liberal«, »clerical« or »communist« were of no importance, he only considered the fact, if one had been honest, patriotic and reliable. - I think, this type of Slovenian patriotism disturbed the great-Serbian clique of Belgrade. The reason might have been that due to bad experiences with Yugoslavia a movement for an independent Slovenia could have arisen. Such an idea had to be suppressed already in its roots. Of course, Belgrade did not openly admit this, it only gave secret orders. TIGR and Albert Rejec, its leader, it were ordered to yearlong silence. Several other fellows were discriminated and perhaps persecuted. |
| In this connection has to be mentioned a sitting of the Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Slovenia, held on June 13, 1958. From the summary of the sitting we can read under point 2 the following: The Department of Interior (of Slovenia) should interrogate Rejec and other hostile elements because of their activity in connection with the renowned affirmation of »Tigr«... (Rodoljub 5, Koper 2001, p. 12). The conclusions were signed by a member of the Committee, Ivan Macek by name, and an ill-famed Belgrade confidant in Slovenia. The designation »hostile elements« is a typical expression, which the Belgrade Communist regime adopted. Nevertheless, nothing of this was reported to the public. |
| Through the net of confidants, the Yugoslav regime spread rumours and gossip against the one-time TIGR members as well as against patriotic Slovenian individuals. Without mentioning the word TIGR or Slovenian patriotism in general, they had the unchecked power to intimidate the patriotic people by circulating the parole »objective perilous« (Slovenian) nationalism. As a result the mass media did not attack the one-time »tigrs« openly, as not to attract the attention of the public. |
| But there was a case where TIGR leadership was defamed on the other side of the frontier, in Italy. Belgrade reckoned the echoes, which could also be found among intellectuals in Slovenia (Yugoslavia). In Trieste, with the help of Yugoslav funding, a daily in Slovenian language had been published. An article about TIGR was criticised as follows: ... Petty-bourgeois elements are nestled within the TIGR leadership, who started to spread anti-Communist slogans, they associated with the West and in collaboration with the old-Yugoslav police, they served themselves most abject deeds like denunciation, treachery and similar... (Primorski dnevnik, April 20, Trieste 1976). |
| Of course, this attack in Agitprop style was only the tip of the iceberg, which pointed to the Belgrade underground campaign against TIGR. Anyway, on May 6 the daily published Rejec' response, in which he rejected the slander. - Albert Rejec died in the same year. |
| The acknowledgement of TIGR, but only partially executed |
| At the beginning of the 80s, permission was granted to issue a publication about TIGR under the censorship of the female historian Milica Kacin - Wohinc, a confidant of the Yugoslav Communist Party. Since then she has played the leading role in this field. But at the same time she acted as the extended arm of the Belgrade regime, which kept the matter under close control. It is obvious that after the secession of Slovenia from Yugoslavia, this control has continued until this very day. |
| With the publishing of historical material concerning TIGR, a certain compromise with the Italian authority can be noticed. In this connection one has the impression, that the ancient Belgrade confidants took control of the TIGR history. So, they allow publishing the testifying of the persecution of Slovenian patriots and rebels during the Fascist era but only up to a certain level, in order not to damage the prestige of Italy in the world. |
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Basovica (Basovizza) above Trieste: the memorial to the TIGR-members condemned to death by gun shots (1930): Ferdinand Bidovec, Franjo Marušic, Zvonimir Miloš, and Lojze Valencic |
| Anyway, in 1985 a memorial plaque on Rejec' native house in Tolmin was inaugurated. It was a very modest award for a man, who sacrificed his life for the fight of freedom for his people. One was hoping for at least a bust dedicated to his memory, like it was erected in remembrance of several TIGR members. Albert Rejec, the leader and soul of the TIGR movement, still needs to be honoured with dignity. Besides, one expects the publishing of a monograph about Rejec' life and work. |
| Anyway, after the secession of Slovenia from Yugoslavia something changed. Rejec's memoirs were published under the title Pricevanja o Tigru /Testifying about TIGR/ in Lublana in 1995. Furthermore, for the 100th anniversary of his birth (1899), a miscellany (zbornik) was published in Gorica under the title Domovina, kje si? /Homeland, where are you?/. It contains materials contributed mostly by Tatjana Srebot - Rejec, his widow. It contains also an interesting contribution from Milica Kacin - Wohinz, referring to Rejec' dossier found in the archives of the Home Office in Rome. |
| However, the life image of Albert Rejec is by far not complete. His corresponding documents, which are kept in the archives of the secret service in Belgrade and in London, should be made available to the public. The task regarding his outstanding and important role in the fight for national liberation of Slovenians still has to be fulfilled. |
| It seems, that Albert Rejec as a person is still inconvenient to certain powers on the international level: in Belgrade, in Rome, in London, and last, if not least, also in Lublana. |
| Further Reading: |
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Albert Rejec: Pricevanja o Tigru /Testifying about TIGR/, Lublana 1995 | |
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Domovina kje si? /Homeland, where are you/ (a miscellanea for 100th anniversary of Rejec' birth), Gorica 1998 | |
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Tatjana Rejec: O povezavah TIGRa z Angleži v letih 1939 - 1941 / About connections of the organization TIGR with the English in the years 1919 - 1941/, in: Goriški letnik 29, Zbornik Goriškega muzeja 2002, Nova Gorica 2004 | |
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Mira Cencic: TIGR, Slovenci pod Italijo in TIGR na okopih v boju za narodni obstoj. Kras in Vipavska dolina / Slovenians under Italy and TIGR in the trenches fighting for national existence, Karst and Vipava Valley/, Lublana 1997 | |
|
PSBL (Littoral Slovenian Biographic Lexicon), 13. snopic (volume), Gorica 1987 | |
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Gorazd Bajc: Zapletena razmerja /Complex relations/, Koper 2000 | |
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| His papers about the origin of the Slovenian people were confiscated and lost |
| After several decades, the Communist regimes finally collapsed in Eastern Europe. But many people genuinely believed in the Communist ideology, which should have brought dignity to the proletariat and hope for a better life. Among these people were great idealists. One of them was Jože Srebrnic, a Slovenian, originally from Solkan close to Gorica - Gorizia. He was an example of outstanding qualities and his memory deserves to be honoured by all of us. (author's note). |
| It was still the period of the Austrian - Hungarian Monarchy, when in 1884 Jože Srebrnic (pron. Srebrnich) was born in Solkan, a suburb of Gorica (Gorizia). His father was a joiner. In 1905, he graduated from grammar school in Gorica. Like many educated young Slovenian men of that time, he was interested in political affairs, and in 1907, he joined the Yugoslav Social Democratic Party. In 1908, he matriculated in Law at the University of Graz. But soon he abandoned his studies and returned home to Solkan. There, he laboured as a joiner and farmer, and he became an active party member. |
| At the beginning of the WW1, in 1914, he was drafted into the army. Anyway, soon after he went over to the Russian side. There he lived to see the October Revolution (1917), which left an indelible mark on young Jože. In 1918, he became an elected member of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Organization of Foreign Labourers and Farmers (Bolshevic oriented prisoners of war). He was also the co-founder of the Yugoslav Communist group within the Russian Communist party. |
| From the above data one can easily establish the life ideas that this young man had in his mature years. As a worker's son he believed in righteous victory, which should come with the revolution. He was a conscious Slovenian. But in that period the Slovenian historical and cultural, i.e., national identity has not been individuated yet. It was associated with the Southern Slav (Yugoslav) and pan-Slav ideas. Several educated Slovenians were even dreaming of a "Slav kingdom" that should extend from Trst (Trieste) to Vladivostok. |
| In 1919, Jože Srebrnic returned to Solkan. The Austrian Monarchy was already in decline. His native country Littoral had been annexed to Italy. There, he continued his political work with the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), where Communist groups were organized. When the formal foundation of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was created in 1921, it was his job to enforce its legality in Littoral. He also wrote articles in the Slovenian Communist paper called Delo, which was published in Trst - Trieste. |
| At the communal elections in Solkan, in 1922, the PCI was victorious, and he advanced to vice-mayor. In the same year, the Fascist movement took power in Italy. However, the democratic structures still functioned for a number of years. So, Jože Srebrnic registered as a candidate for the PCI in the 1924 elections, and he was elected as a parliament member in Rome. In the same year he participated at the 5th congress of the Communist Internationale (Cominform) in Moscow. Anyway, as a Communist deputy of the Italian parliament he was continuously under police surveillance. In 1926 he was arrested, and that was the beginning of a long line of arrests and confinements, which lasted 17 years. |
| During the long years of his confinement, he did his own research and wrote a study on "Ancient Slavs and their relations toward the Romans and the Germans from the beginning until Charlemagne". It was a 169-page manuscript in pencil writing. Dr. Henrik Tuma from Lublana was informed by letter about the contents of his study. But the study was confiscated by the Italian policy on the isle of Ponza, in 1935. |
| In 1939, Jože Srebrnic went back home to Solkan, and soon after he escaped to Yugoslavia. His final aim was to reach the Soviet Union. But he was arrested, and in September 1940 the Yugoslav administration handed him over to Italy. He carried with him the new version of the above mentioned manuscript, or perhaps its second part. In December 1940, the Trieste Tribunal sentenced him to 2 years arrest and a 20.000 lire penalty, because of "illegal border trespassing and because of his intentions to complete and publish a political - irredentist work". After a year he was released from the arrest, but in Gorica he was condemned again to 5 years confinement. The last place of confinement was the lager Renicci. After his release on September 8, 1943, he returned to Solkan. |
| His Mysterious Manuscript |
| What kind of manuscript was it, that evidently threatened the Italian Fascist regime? |
| Thus, when in March 1941 the appellate court confirmed Jože Srebrnic's previous condemnation, it also added the following indictment: "He even presents the Albanians as Ancient Slavs, albeit he speaks about the Ancient Albanians and their autochthonism on the Balkans" (Kacin - Wohinz 1986, 43). At that time, Albania was occupied by Italy and evidently it was considered to be in their own political historical interest. |
| The same Jože Srebrnic commented in his research as follows: Without exaggeration the undersigned confirms that the collected materials have such great weight and are of such a character, that they will certainly contribute to the revision of many questions about Ancient Europe... The historical research of the first millennium BC, of the Roman Empire, the period of the peoples' migrations etc. will (with his study) became a new and more solid orientation (Kacin - Wohinz 1986, 44). |
| In November 1941, he presented a letter to the Department of Interior in Rome, in which he asked the competent commission to revoke his third sentence of confinement, because it had no grounds. He also asked, that the seized manuscript should be returned to him, because it is about a "scientific-historical" study only, which has nothing to do with politics or irredentism (Kacin - Wohinz 1986, 43). In his letter he points out the new title of his study, "The Ancient Slavs and their Relations toward the Romans, Celtis-Itals, Germans, Greeks, Turko-Tatars, Awars, etc. (from the beginning until Cyrill-Methodius)". In this instance he also quotes, that he went to Yugoslavia to complete his study, and he would have to go to Bulgaria and to Russia for the same reason. |
| It is very possible, that he carried the study with him at the time of his arrest in Lublana (Yugoslavia) in 1939 and in 1940, when the Italian police made a duplicate of his work in the confinement on Ponza isle. Thus, he probably must have had a copy with indigo of this duplicate, which during his Lublana arrest was evidently enlarged and corrected. The well-known Slovenian intellectual, Dušan Kermavner, received a specimen. In the period after the WW2, in a memorial article he said that Srebrnic considered this research his life's work (Kermavner 1969, 19). Indeed, according to the Italian police, Srebrnic substantiated in his study "the resistance and survival of the ethnical and political individuality of the Slavs in Europe toward the expansionistic imperial power" (Kacin - Wohinz, 1986, p. 42). |
| Evidently, Srebrnic based his research on numerous names, which he individuated in the area of Italy, covering first of all the northern part, then Tyrol, Switzerland and elsewhere. The meaning of these names, which can be explained on hand of the Slovenian and Slav languages, were already treated by Dr. Henrik Tuma, the well-known Slovenian researcher of the Alpine nomenclature. Dobrovsky mentioned them also in his "Staroitalia slavjanska" (Old Slav Italy, 1853). |
| Based on these researches, Dr. Tuma came to the conclusion, that the "Slavs" had settled the above mentioned territories already in the pre-Roman era. Evidently, Srebrnic came to the same conclusion, and for that reason he wrote to Dr. Tuma. |
| His Extradition from Yugoslavia |
| Of course, the Italian Fascist regime, which based its ideology on the supposed historical legacy of the Roman Empire, could not allow, that the "inferior" Slavs should have been an older race in comparison to the Romans. The Fascist officials must have appeared "vigilant" before their principals, as to justify their jobs. In this way, Srebrnic's work served as a welcome pretext, as to point out its dangerousness. |
| In opposition to this, it is not comprehensible, why the Yugoslav administration turned Jože Srebrnic over to Italy? We are sure, that this decision did not come from the provincial authorities in Lublana (Slovenia), but from Belgrade. Until now, not one of the writers, who are treating Srebrnic's life and work, discussed this problem in detail. Why? |
| The reason behind such a decision made by the then Yugoslav regime is not easy to comprehend. One must search for the political and ideological reasons. In Yugoslavia, at that time, the dictatorial regime was still in force, the object of which was the creation of the Yugoslav (great-Serbian) nation with a unique language. In spite of this, the majority of Slovenian intellectuals, because of continuous threats from the western powers of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, saw in Yugoslavia the final solution for the Slovenian national question (in hope of better times). |
| In opposition to this, the leadership of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which Jože Srebrnic was a co-founder and important member, adopted already in the years between 1924 and 1926 an important principle. In sense of this policy Slovenians had the right of self-determination, which should lead to separation from Italy and Serbia and to the foundation of an independent republic of Slovenia in unity with the federation of Balkan nations (Bratina 1986, 48). The PCI took this standpoint until the end of the WW2. Because of the wording "an independent Slovenia", the PCI made it a principle not to publish any articles or studies concerning Srebrnic and other similar questions in the Yugoslavian State of the postwar period. |
| Another fact was that the Yugoslav authorities turned Jože Srebrnic over to Italy without legal grounds. Evidently, his extradition was carried out by special secret appointment between Rome and Belgrade. This fact has not been published by any of his biographers, out of fear of the Belgrade regime. |
| Perhaps, the Yugoslav Communist regime of Belgrade, it is true, considered Srebrnic's study with utmost delicacy. Thus, it concerned the autochthonism of the Slavs, in first line the Slovenians. Therefore, the Slovenian Biographical Lexicon issued after WW2, presented the contents of the research in a falsified way: An ample work written during Srebrnic's confinement, concerning settlement, life and economical development of the Littoral Slovenians, who disappeared without trace (Klopcic, 1967) |
| His Mysterious Death |
| At the beginning of September 1943, Italy capitulated and was occupied by Nazi troops. Italian administration and a part of the army remained under German control. Soon after his return, Jože Srebrnic went to the Partisans. He was an excellent person, and he enjoyed great prestige among the people. Says Radoslava Premrl: Jože Srebrnic was a man, for whom one instinctively felt respect, admiration and confidence. It was not given to me, to get acquainted with many people during the war. But among those, that I knew, there were several that gave me the feeling, that I could trust them and discusses everything with them. (Premrl, 1992, p 119). |
 |
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Jože Srebrnic (the third from the right), some days before his death he participated in the great meeting of Kožbana (Brda region), on July 9, 1944. |
| Naturally, after joining the partisans he soon became a member of several boards of the Liberation Front. His work was primarily of political nature. The people of Littoral knew Jože Srebrnic, his life and his work. Evidently, he was the most popular among the partisans there. Then, it happened! On July 11, 1944, he and three of his fellows drowned in the swollen waters of the Soca River, when their boat went down. |
| Nevertheless, many people could not believe that his death was purely an accident. In fact, Jože Srebrnic was a good swimmer. Because several other patriotic partisans had lost their life already, the rumours arose that he too was liquidated by the partisan security service, which was exclusively in the hands of the Communists. The rumours are still going on. |
| As a consequence of this, during the postwar years, the Yugoslav regime, which was based on the partisan liberation war, tried to present the circumstances of Srebrnic's death in detail. I adduce as an example the miscellany published for the 100-anniversary of Srebrnic's birthday (Percic 1986, 80, 84). The author summarised the contents of different sources. Here are the main points of his article. |
| At that very day during the night, a group of partisans and Srebrnic tried to pass the swollen waters of the Soca River near Rodež, not far from the borough of Kanal. Srebrnic and three fellows occupied the first boat. Srebernic, and very probably also his fellows, carried a backpack on their back and the gun on their shoulders. The boat disappeared in the swollen waters of the river. It was an inflatable boat with flat bottom that the moving waves easily could have overthrown at the least inattention of the passengers. This evidently occurred. They were trapped under the capsized boat, struggling with their rucksacks and guns, which hindered them from swimming.... |
| On July 20th, Srebrnic's corps was found close to the hydro-electric plant of Plave. The Italian N.C.O. (non commissioned officer) gave the order to bury his body at the same place where it was found. A confident of the national safeguard (a secret partisan service), who happened to pass by at that moment, overheard the order. He intervened, saying that two other drowned men were already buried on the cemetery. Then the corps was laid to rest on the nearby cemetery of Prilesje. In 1946, he was transferred to the Solkan cemetery (Percic, 1984, 83). |
| The above-described circumstances of Srebrnic's death contain at least two unconvincing elements. First, it is not very possible, that the experienced Srebrnic had his rucksack and his gun on his shoulders while being in the boat. Furthermore, he was an excellent swimmer and sportsman. Second, on a swollen river even an inflatable boat is able to withstand the stream and the waves. Third, the Italian N.C.O. must have had written down a corresponding note. Not one of Srebrnic's biographers raised these questions. They also did not quote the name of the confident of the national safeguard, of whom it is said, that he passed by "exactly at that time" (very uncommon), when Srebrnic's body was found. Thus, the description of Srebrnic's death contains several contradictory elements. |
| Therefore, the rumours that Srebrnic was liquidated remains in circulation to this today. The saying goes around, that Srebrnic was hit on the head from behind, fell into the river and drowned. Furthermore, soon after his death unknown people searched his house in Solkan. In order to conceal undesirable materials (?). |
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| Memorial in honour of Jože Srebrnic |
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| His Idea of an Independent Slovenia? |
| Indeed, concerning the political circumstances of that period, there were several reasons to liquidate Srebrnic. First of all, he was an important member of the PCI and, as already mentioned, the standpoint of this party in relation to Slovenians was self-determination, by choosing separation from Italy and Serbia (Yugoslavia) and form an independent republic. Evidently, this PCI principle was contrary to the regime's endeavours to preserve Yugoslavia. Says one of Srebrnic's Italian - Friulian fellows: The foundation of a Slovenian - Friulian State after WW2 was one of Srebrnic's ideas, too.... It would have been a way, to resolve the very complicated national and political questions in the mixed border zones (Lizzero 1984, p. 95). |
| Evidently, when Srebrnic was together with his fellow partisans, he continuously expressed his idea of an independent Slovenia (outside of Yugoslavia). Nevertheless, the Slovenian partisans were under strict control of the central command of the Yugoslav resistance. This command did not allow any kind of Slovenian "separatism" neither inside nor outside of Yugoslavia. Therefore, many excellent partisan warriors, only because of their very patriotic Slovenian nature, were liquidated. They were evidently an obstacle to the future centralistic policy of Belgrade in its aspiration to create a unitaristic (great-Serbian) Yugoslavia. |
| In this way, at the end of the WW2, Slovenia was without a leading national class and Belgrade had an open door to gradually realize its denationalization aims. Indeed, in the post-war Yugoslavia the federal province, called Republic of Slovenia, was only an administrative entity. Its autonomy concerned only the use of the Slovenian language in public and in schools. |
| Bibliography: |
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Milica Kacin - Wohinc: Pripombe k življenjepisu Jožeta Srebrnica /Remarks to the Biography of Jože Srebrnic/, in: Jože Srebrnic. Narodni heroj (1884 - 1984), Koper 1986 - She quotes several data of the corresponding documents of the archives in Rome: Archivio Centrale di Stato, Ministerio dell'Interno, Direzione generale della pubblica sicurezza, Casellario politico centrale, dossier no. 4927 (here the sign CPC), and Divisione degli affari generali e riservati (here the sign AGR). | |
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Dušan Kermavner: Iz spominov na Jožeta Srebrnica /From the Memories on Jože Srebrnic/, in: Srecanja 19, Nova Gorica 1969 - Kermavner knows, that Srebrnic's study had connection to Tuma's essay. | |
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Henrik Tuma: Krajevno imenoslovje /The Nomenclature of Place Names/, in: Jadranski almanah, Trieste p. 127 - 158. | |
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France Klopcic: Jože Srebrnic, in: Slovenski biografski leksikon /Slovenian biographic Lexicon/, tom. 10, Lublana 1967, p. 431 - 432 | |
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Ivan Bratina: Prispevek k razpravi o življenju in delu Jožeta Srebrnica /A Contribution to the Discussion about the Life and Work of Jože Srebrnic/, in: Jože Srebrnic... Koper 1986 | |
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Danilo Percic: Zadnji dnevi narodnega heroja Jožeta Srebrnica /Last Days of the National Hero Jože Srebrnic/, in: Jože Srebrnic..., Koper 1986 | |
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Radoslava Premrl: Moj brat Janko - Vojko, Lublana 1992, p. 11 | |
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Mario Lizzero - Andrea: Razprava /Discussion/, in: Jože Srebrnic... Koper 1986, p. 95 | |
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| 60th Anniversary of His Heroic Death |
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| Fr. Miko Cortese originated from the isle of Cres (Cherso), which is found in the gulf of Quarner (Quarnero). He was born in 1907, his father was of Italian and his mother of Croatian origin. After the WW1, he entered the Minorite Order, and he adopted the monastic name Placido. He visited the Roman Catholic seminary in Camposanpietro close to Padova (Italy). Later, he studied also in Rome. In 1930, at the age of 23, he was consecrated as a priest, and he was given different positions.. Among other things, he was the editor of the paper Messaggero di S. Antonio. |
| In those days, Italy was ruled by the Fascist regime, which persecuted many people. Fr. Cortese made it his life's work to help the persecuted, in particular the prisoners of the concentration camp Chiesanova near Padova. In 1943, when the Nazi troops occupied Italy, he became an important member of the conspiracy net of resistance called BBZ, whose leader was Col. Vladimir Vauhnik from Lublana (Slovenia). Many refugees, Slovenians, Jews and others, were saved through this secret link: Lublana - Trieste - Padova - Milan - Switzerland. Thousands of messages containing strategic information were forwarded through the same link to the English consulate in Bern. |
| Nevertheless, through treason the activity of Fr. Cortese was discovered, he was arrested and brought to Trieste for questioning. There, he was submitted to a very martyrdom, but he did not reveal the names of any collaborators. It was in October 1944, when he was slaughtered, and very probably burnt in the crematorium of the lager Risiera - Rižarna of Trieste. Once dead, he was decorated for his bravery by the English Marshall Alexander and by the Republic of Czechoslovakia. No memorial has been erected for him in post-war Yugoslavia, and neither in the independent Slovenia. Now he became a candidate for blessing. Italy was the first country to published his biography, and thereafter it was also translated into Slovenian. |
| (cf: article: Daniel Halás) |
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| Daniel Halás |
| A martyr of Slovenian Pannonia of recent times |
| 1908 - 1945 |
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| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| On August 10, 2000, the Bishop of Maribor (Slovenia), Dr. Franc Kramberger, officially announced the starting procedures of the proclamation of blessing for Father Danijel Halás, a native of Crensovci in the Prekmurje region. This region is a small part of ancient Pannonia, which pertains to Hungary. Father Halás was born in 1908, and was consecrated as a priest in 1933. He was assigned to several parishes, and one of them was the congregation of Lendava, which included a small population of Hungarians. Therefore, he made an effort to learn the Hungarian language, in order to carry out the pastoral work among them. Since 1939, Danijel Halás was the parish priest in Velika Polana. |
| In 1941, when the Hungarians occupied the region, he was suspected of collaboration with the Communists, which led to his arrest and imprisonment in Budapest. A few months later he was released from prison and returned to Velika Polana. Anyway, there, the well-known writer Miško Kranjec, a confident of the Communists, made a false denunciation to the local committee of the Communist Party, stating that Father Halás supposedly was a leading member of the (anti-Communist) White Guard. Father Halás, who was aware of this allegation, did not withdraw. He would not have abandoned his parishioners. On March 16, 1945, he was assaulted on the street by strangers, tortured and killed. - Carantha is inviting its readers to say a prayer, in order to accelerate the blessing process for this heroic priest. |
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| Ferdo Kravanja |
| A tireless TIGR Warrior fighting for Freedom |
| 1912 - 1944 |
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| Uroš Stanic |
| It was not a coincidence, that after the WW2, the Yugoslav regime suspended for decades the activities of TIGR, the Slovenian liberation movement of Littoral, which pertained to Italy since the WW1. From Belgrade's point of view, memories of the TIGR organization could only stimulate Slovenian »nationalism«. On the other hand, TIGR was also considered to be a disturbing factor in respect to the political relations between Belgrade and Rome. |
| Moreover, even in independent Slovenia, one of Lublana's leading journals (Delo, Književni listi, December 23, 2002), clearly and simply describes the TIGR liberation fight as »terrorism«. Evidently, a line of the former Yugoslav apparatus is still trying to understate the patriotic and moral values of the TIGR movement. But there is more to it! Recently, the Institute for Modern History (Lublana) generated an inventory indicating 85,769 Slovenians, that fell as victims of the WW2 - without mentioning the victims of the TIGR movement (cf. Rodoljub VII, 2004, p. 51). |
| Analysing the situation, I accepted with pleasure the invitation of the Carantha editor to write an article about Ferdo Kravanja (alias Peter Skalar), the outstanding TIGR warrior, who later, as a partisan, experienced a tragic death. It is true, his name, like those of many other Slovenian patriots of Littoral, who were fighting against the Italian Fascist regime, was not directly suppressed to the public in Communist Yugoslavia. The regime, however, preferred to let him sink into oblivion. Today, when even TIGR members are charged with terrorism, it is high time, that their ideas about freedom become common property of modern Slovenia. (Author's Note) |
| After WW1 and after WW2 |
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Tone Kralj: Rapallo (1943) - The Treaty of Rapallo between Italy and Yugoslavia, in 1920, in which Litttoral and Istria were acknowledged to Italy, remained in people's memory. The painter allegorically depicted its later consequences, Slovenia was occupied by the Fascist and Nazi troops. |
| At the end of the WW1 Austria disintegrated. The most part of Slovenian territories was joined to the new constituted Yugoslavia. But the provinces of Littoral (Primorska) and Istria (Istra) came under the control of Italy. The new demarcation between Italy and Yugoslavia was acknowledged at the Treaty of Rapallo, signed on November 12, 1920. Soon after, in 1922, the rise of the Fascist regime marked the beginning of a new period in Italy. It was a nationalistic and military regime under the leadership of Mussolini. The Fascists began to persecute the Slovenian population of the aforesaid provinces, in order to Italianize them. |
| To achieve their purpose, Slovenian schools were abolished, it was forbidden to speak Slovenian, Slovenian banks and savings institutions were confiscated, Slovenian people were discriminated at the workplace and elsewhere. A violent anti-Slovenian propaganda was set in course, which was in particular diffused through the school system and the media. To the public, Slovenian history and culture was denigrated, and the »Latin« (Italian) culture was highly praised. In this way, the idea of the »inferiority« of Slovenians and all Slavs in general, was deeply imprinted into the minds of the Italian population. |
| Still today, in the province of Littoral, i.e., the remaining part under Italy after the WW2, the consequences and abuse of the one-time Fascist nationalistic propaganda still can be felt. The Italian speaking population in that region, due to insufficient information from the mass media, does not even have the least knowledge of the neighbouring Slovenian culture and history. Such situation continues to exist in spite of the fact, that already half a century ago the Autonomous Region of Friuli - Julian Venetia (Littoral) was founded, and that its political summit continues to stress the important relations of »good neighbourhood« with Slovenians and with Slovenia (ex-Yugoslavia). |
| In this connection, a manipulation of the public mind is more than evident. Nevertheless, peace, co-existence and collaboration, which today the Slovenian and Italian speaking people of Littoral desire, could only be realised on base of the historical truth, and on mutual friendship and respect of cultural values. The TIGR movement already fought for these aims. His member, Ferdo Kravanja, was one of the most visible protagonists of this movement. His life in a great part personifies the fate of the numerous boys and men of Littoral, who longed and fought for freedom in very difficult conditions. Their ideals may not remain forgotten. |
| Ferdo's Life |
| It was still during Austrian Monarchy, when Ferdo (Ferdinand) Kravanja came into this world in the village of Cezsoca (pron. tches sotcha), in 1912. The village is nestled in the Upper Soca (Isonzo) Valley, close to Bovec, which pertains to the ancient province of Littoral (Primorska). Ferdo's family was quite large, he had three brothers and three sisters. In 1915, however, a year after the outburst of the WW1, Italy attacked its former ally Austria, and the well-known Isonzo Front was installed. Ferdo's father Matevž was a front fighter and he fell near Doberdob, in 1916. Then, Ferdo's mother Ana had to maintain the whole family and the farm all by herself. |
| As already mentioned, the Italian Fascist regime began soon after WW1 with the denationalization process of the Slovenian people in the province of Littoral. The younger generation of Slovenians was particularly affected by the regime's denationalization policy. There was job discrimination, and in case of schooling, they were denigrated as Slovenians. Even the struggle of survival in such a hostile environment was almost impossible, and several thousands of them emigrated to nearby Slovenia (Yugoslavia). |
| Living under such conditions, the liberation movement against the Fascist regime spontaneously arose among the youth. This movement was called TIGR, (standing for Trieste, Istria, Gorica, and Reka). The new born TIGR organization started to act after 1924, and fought for the annexation of Littoral, Istria and Trieste to Yugoslavia. In the area of Bovec, the most active TIGR members were Ivan Ivancic, Franc Kavs, Leopold Copi (pron. tchopi), Edi Mlekuž, Ferdo Kravanja and some others. Franc Sivec, their teacher, developed their Slovenian national consciousness. |
| On November 10, 1930, out of protest against the gunning down of several TIGR members, who were condemned at the First Trieste Trial, Ferdo Kravanja and Franc Copi set fire to the (Italian) school in Bovec. Three months later, Ferdo Kravanja burnt the school in Cezsoca to ashes, and then he set ablaze the school of Log pod Mangarom and of Plužna. They were Italian schools, specialised to italianize Slovenian children. |
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Mt. Jalovec (2645 m) above the Trenta Valley, at the one-time Italian - Yugoslav frontier. In this mountain area Ferdo Kravanja and his TIGR fellows received supplies of literature and weapons from their comrades in Slovenia (Yugoslavia). |
| In 1931, Ferdo Kravanja met two TIGR leaders at the Yugoslav frontier on Jalovec Mountains, i.e., the ideological leader Albert Rejec, and the military leader Danilo Zelen. In the following period, the TIGR group from Bovec, stationed at this site, was supplied with anti-Fascist literature and weapons. Nevertheless, in 1933 the Fascists captured Ferdo Kravanja. Now he had to serve his time in the Italian army. The next year he returned home and continued to pursue his illegal work. But in 1935, he was drafted to join the Italian army fighting the war in Etiopia. At this turning point in his life he decided to escape to Yugoslavia (Slovenia). |
| Ferdo lived for a short while in Jesenice. Then, he found a job at Slograd Enterprise. Anyway, even though he lived in Yugoslavia he continued to fight against the Italian Fascist regime in Littoral. He quit his full-time job and lived from peddling, in order to have more time for the liberation movement. He also collaborated with his TIGR fellows in Littoral preparing an attempt on the life of Mussolini. The attempt should take place during Mussolini's visit in the Soca Valley, precisely in the borough of Kobarid, in 1938. Explosives were provided by Danilo Zelen and Ferdo Kravanja. |
| Franc Kavs' name was selected in a raffle among seven boys. He was the chosen one to commit the action and, at the same time, to sacrifice his own life. But his stepmother, who didn't like him and who was an Italian admirer, caught him the night before in his room, precisely at the moment, when he tried to fasten the infernal machine to his body. She threatened Franc to betray him to the Fascists, if he carries out his intentions. Therefore, Franc Kavs changed his mind but failed to inform the other TIGR members. For that reason the attempt on Mussolini's life was not executed. |
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| In 1940, the Yugoslav press published a »wanted« poster with a reward of 100,000 Dinar for the where-abouts of Ferdinand (Ferdo) Kravanja |
| Ferdo Kravanja and his TIGR fellows, in particular Alojz Knez, a Carinthian, sabotaged also certain areas in Carinthia (Koroška), Austria, which since 1938 were occupied by Nazi troops. Consequently, in 1940, the then Yugoslav regime, due to intervention of the German government, offered a 100,000 Yugoslav Dinar reward on his head. Ferdo lived under various pseudonyms, but through treachery, he fell indeed into the hands of the Yugoslav regime in the very same year, and in Belgrade he was condemned to four years jail. In 1941, when Germany attacked Yugoslavia, he succeeded to escape from jail and fled to Niš, from there he returned to Slovenia. |
| Italy had already occupied Lublana, the centre of Slovenia. So, in the city of Novo mesto the TIGR members founded the Soška legija (Isonzo Legion), which Ferdo Kravanja joined. This legion was a formation of ca. 3000 men, the majority of them came from Littoral. On order of the military commander in Zagreb, the legion moved toward Karlovac (Croatia). But this area was already occupied by the Croatian Ustashas, and therefor, the newly arrived formation was dissolved. Then, Ferdo Kravanja associated with his TIGR fellows, Danilo Zelen and Anton Majnik, who were hiding from the Italian occupier near Ribnica (south of Lublana). |
| Unfortunately, they were discovered in a chalet on the hill of Mala gora, located in the vicinity of this borough. Italian soldiers and ex-Yugoslav gendarmes encircled them. During the defence, Danilo Zelen was seriously injured, and he committed suicide. Anton Majnik was captured, but escaped even though he was put in fetters. Ferdo Kravanja, too, was injured and swooned. When he came out of his coma he found himself in the hospital in Ribnica, always managing to keep his real name a secret. Then, he was transferred to the sanatorium Emona in Lublana, from were he was saved with help of one of the Sisters of Mercy, Jedrt Kršmanc by name, and a small group of partisans, who were members of the Liberation Front. |
| His Death |
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Memorial of Ferdo Kravanja († 1944), the leading Tigr-fighter and then partisan, in his native village of Cezsoca in the surrounding of Bovec. The memorial was erected by the Tigr Association on October 10th, 2004, for the 60th anniversary of Kravanja's death. |
| Thereafter, Ferdo Kravanja joined the partisans. He was very active in the Upper Isonzo Valley, called Tolminsko. He also became member of the Communist Party (PC), the leader of the Liberation Front. In 1943, he was nominated secretary of the Slovenian PC, responsible for the western Littoral district. His illegal name was Peter Skalar. Nevertheless, his patriotic Slovenian consciousness, and more, much more, evidently disturbed the central board of the Slovenian PC. Thus, the final aim of the Communists was not to liberate occupied Slovenia, but the revolution and the installation of the Communist regime, there, was much more important to them. To reach their goal, many Slovenian patriots among the partisans had to be »liquidated«. |
| Seen from their viewpoint, Ferdo Kravanja, too, was a very Slovenian patriot, who secretly had to be condemned. It was October the 10th, 1944, when he, accompanied by two partisans, was on his trip from the Brda hills eastwards to the hamlet of Lokve. After crossing the Soca River, he was shot to death in the forest close to Paljevo, a hamlet in the proximity of Plave. Then, the news broadcasted, that Ferdo and his companions encountered a patrol of the German army en route, and that the enemy's bullet killed him. However, such a version of his death was not very likely. It was the official version of ex-Yugoslavia. |
| After all, in spite of many different stories surrounding his death, the fact remains, that Ferdo Kravanja, this wonderful and intelligent boy, died out of love for his Slovenian homeland. His love for country and freedom was so great, that he did not fear for his own life and safety. In his effort he connects to thousands of other Slovenian boys and men, of whom so many sacrificed their life. So many years after his death, a free and independent Slovenia was finally born. He and so many other Slovenian patriots did not die in vain. |
| (cf: Concealed and Forgotten Persons Part II, articles: TIGR, Karlo Kocjancic, Franc Šavli - Medved) |
| (cf: Science and Literature, article: »Iz primorske epopeje« (From the Littoral Epopee) |
| (cf: Science and Literature, article: Special Battalions) |
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| Rožmanov Proces |
| The South Slav Journal |
| Volume 24 No. 3 - 4 (93 - 94) Autumn - Winter 2003 |
| Tamara Griesser Pecar and France Martin Dolinar, "Rožmanov Proces", Družina d.o.o., Krekov Trg 1/II, 61001 Ljubljana, 1996, reviewed by Janez A. Arnež. |
| The work analyses the judicial trial of Bishop Gregorij Rožman by Communist authorities. It was authored by two historians, who divided their presentation into two parts: Dr. Griesser compiled Rožman's activities during the years of foreign occupation of Slovenia from 1941 to 1945 and his dealings with the occupying forces. Dr. Dolinar analysed the court proceedings, including accusations and alleviating circumstances. |
| The legal aspect of the entire procedure led to convincing evidence of a systematically prearranged political show to justify the Communist revolution and annihilation of domestic opponents. When all non-Communist organisations including political parties were abolished, the Catholic Church remained the only organised opposition to the Communist regime and for that reason was treated as the most dangerous enemy. The visible representative of the Church was its head, Bishop Rožman. The regime felt obliged to accumulate so many `wrong-doings' of Bishop Rožman that, when publicly presented, they would be powerful enough to besmirch not only the Bishop himself but the entire Church. |
| To achieve the greatest possible public success in destroying the Bishop's public image the Communist Government resorted to rude and entirely unprofessional tactics. They unjustifiably lumped together into an unusual group the Nazi general Rosener, Slovenian general Rupnik, Police chief Dr. Hacin, Slovenian minister Dr. Krek, who spent the years of war in London, and Bishop Rožman, and collectively accused them of `National Treason.' Each one of them had his guilt substantiated by a long list of `evil deeds.' Moreover, Bishop Rožman, a civilian person, was brought before a military court in order to portray him as a war criminal. To impress the public as to the legality of the entire court procedure, the accused Bishop was given ex officio a court appointed defence lawyer. Nevertheless, the defence arguments were not at all entertained and none of the potential defence witnesses was allowed to testify. |
| When reading through the long list of accusations, piled-up by the Communist prosecutor, one can reach the conclusion that Rožman's only proven guilt was that he consistently opposed Communism because of its declared aggressive anti-religious stance. Even Metod Mikuž, an authoritative Communist historian of the Communist revolution in Slovenia, recognised (in the Slovenski biografski leksikon, Slovenian biographical lexicon), that Rožman was a kontrarevolucionar, i.e., a determined opponent of Communist ideology and its revolutionary deeds, "Rožman's guilt can be reduced to the fact that in the great revolutionary turning point in Slovenian history he joined the reactionary and contra-revolutionary forces." |
| Dolinar took pains to present his analysis in a seemingly unbiased fashion and to that purpose he vigorously sought Rožman's missteps in order to confront them with limitless Communist fabrications. In this endeavour he reproached Jakob Kolaric, one of Rožman's biographers, for an inclination to find an excuse for every act of the Bishop. Dolinar seems to side with those Catholics who were in favour of reducing opposition to the Communist regime in the name of Christian charity as proclaimed by Jesus Christ. In the line of this argument he reproved Rožman's faithful obedience to the Pope's guidance. These Catholics were unhappy about Pope Pius XI's proscription of any collaboration with Communists, proclaimed in the Encyclic Divini Redemptoris. Although Dolinar seems to blame those Slovenian Catholics who joined Bishop Rožman in his anti-Communist stance for the `painful discord' in the Slovenian Catholic community, he unjustifiably overlooked reckless support given by `leftist' Catholics to Communists in their struggle for power and the ensuing terror which was certainly not in line with Christian charity, the basic motto of Rožman's Christian opponents. |
| If anything in Rožman's words, spoken or written, and deeds performed during the war years, were of questioned judiciousness, it was always based on bone fide with a determination not to hurt anybody. On the other side, the Communist holders of power acted with mala fide, a vicious resolution to use any available resource, no matter how criminal, to destroy their opponents. In such an uneven encounter it is not surprising that an uncommitted outsider finds it difficult to disentangle oneself from the Communist web of lies in which one is trying to find any trace of truth. |
| Rožman was called a war criminal because he had the courage to protest to the occupying authorities against their harsh treatment of Slovenians and to try to protect innocent lives. On the other hand, Italian Generals Robotti, Roatta, Gambara, who publicly declared their intention to annihilate Slovenians and their land if necessary, were not required to stand trial as war criminals because of a prior arrangement with Slovenian Communists. By relinquishing all types of military equipment in the fall of 1943 to the Slovenian Partisans the Italians were promised a free and unmolested departure from Slovenia and an exemption from any future prosecution of the occupying authorities. And the agreement was meticulously honoured to the utmost detail. |
| The book is no doubt a valuable basic testimony clarifying the story of Bishop Rožman which up to now was prevented from reaching the public. However, the present Slovenian government, pretending to be democratic and law-abiding, still follows the Communist political approach to `justice' by refusing to reopen the Rožman case and initiate a non-political and thoroughly legal court procedure supported by all pertinent documents, especially those which were not admitted by the Communist military court. The true story is not yet complete, and some additional documents, which miraculously avoided Communist destruction, are being discovered and published. One of these truly impressive stories was told by the late Bishop Anton Vovk in the book of his personal notes V Spomin in Opomin (In Remembrance and Forewarning). |
| With silence the Parliament declined to enact legislation extending the statute of limitations for the prosecution of outrageous crimes committed by the officials of the totalitarian regime who could not be prosecuted during the time they were in power. It allowed only two years for the victims of unjust prosecution to request protection of legality in their respective cases. The Parliament does not want to extend this time. In this way the victims are again dependent on the public prosecutor who has sole discretion for initiating their rehabilitation. How this discretion is or will be exercised has been brutally demonstrated by the new Public Prosecutor General, Zdenka Cerar, a well known advocate of totalitarian persecutions in which she actively took part, who on the day when she assumed the office publicly announced the withdrawal of the already filed demand for the protection of legality in the most notorious political trial of the former totalitarian judiciary which in a staged and illegal proceeding formally not only condemned Dr. Gregorij Rožman, the Bishop of Ljubljana, and leaders of the Slovenian wartime anti-communist resistance, but in fact criminalised the Catholic Church, Slovenian democratic politics and the wartime resistance against the criminal communist deception and terrorism. One may add that the appropriate court has been delaying the requested action for the reopening of the case of Dr. Gregorij Rožman by advancing truly Bolshevik arguments for its delay while promptly granting the request for reopening a case concerning lese majeste of a communist ruler. Clearly, the chances for overturning the unjust convictions in Slovenia are ever diminishing, and respect for the Resolution 1096 of the Council of Europe on Measures to Dismantle the heritage of Former Communist Totalitarian Systems is negligible. This does not only violate the European Resolution - Slovenian judges and prosecutors are also in serious violation of the Slovenian Constitution which, in its Article 30, specifically includes the right of unjustly condemned persons to rehabilitation and compensation. In a State where neither the courts nor the Public Prosecutor General respect constitutionally guaranteed human rights one cannot say that the rule of law exists. |
| Remarks: |
| Janez A. Arnež - was born in Ljubljana (Slovenia) in 1923. Studied at universities of Ljubljana, Bologna, Louvin, Yale and Laval. Lived for 42 years in the USA and taught economics at Saint Joseph's College in New York. At present Director of the Research Institute Studia Slovenia in Ljubljana (p.p. 28, 1210 Ljubljana, Slovenia). Publishes monographical series Studia Slovenica (32 titles published so far) and a quarterly POGLEDI (Viewpoints). |
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| Lublana, October 11, 2007 |
| The Supreme Court, on request of the See of Lublana, invalidated the sentence passed in 1946 against Gregorij Rozman, the Bishop of Lublana. The case file was returned to the District Court to reanalyze the judgment. The same procedure applied in the case of Miha Krek, the one-time chairman of the Slovenian People's Party. The chief argument in the matter was, that at that time the criminal proceedings were conducted without the accused being present, and the fact, that the trial was held before a Military Court of the Yugoslav People's Army (JLA). |
| In our article about Gregorij Rozman (article: Skof Gregorij Rozman), published some time ago in Carantha, we in particular stressed the fact, that a military court cannot try a civilian. Today, we are rejoicing. It is proof that we have been right. Rozman was sentenced to 18 years of forced labour, he was stripped of his civil rights, and so on - because of "national treachery". In fact, Bishop Rozman was a decided anti-communist. He considered communism the worst abuse of freedom, that befell Slovenia. And he did not keep silent, he spoke about. |
| The communists, directed by the centre of the Yugoslav (Serbian) regime, organized a pogrom against the anti-communist Bishop, accusing him of "treason". The argument for their accusation was the fact, that Rozman had contact with Italian and German occupying forces in Lublana during the WW2. But through his intervention he freed many arrested Slovenian activists, not knowing if some of them were also communists. He was saving lives. |
| As chief argument for "treason" was quoted, that he was in the stadium in Lublana at the time, when anti-communist "domobranci" swore an oath to Germany. The communists and today's post-communist news media in Slovenia quote, that he "blessed the oath taking ceremony to Hitler". This information was still recently broadcasted on TV Slovenia. |
| It is about the activities of the ex-Yugoslav (great-Serbian) underground in Slovenia, which controls the mass media and the entire left block of parties headed by the Liberal Democrats and Social Democrats, as well as numerous confidants, to be found in all institutions of modern Slovenia. They receive instructions to spread gossip and to speak out against the decision of the Supreme Court. Said Janez Stanovnik, Chairman of the (communist) League of Combatants: Today, we have even more documents at our disposal that are charging Rozman at the time of his condemnation, and he would have to expect an even heavier sentence. - Stanovnik is a confidant of the ex-Yugoslav lobby in Slovenia. |
| Alojzij Uran, the Bishop of Lublana, but says: "It was about a totalitarian Military Court, that served the interests of the Communist Party in its endeavors to annihilate the Church." - Not very correct, and Bishop Uran is well aware of this, he obeyed an order given by the Communist Serbian regime of Belgrade, which was not only against the Church but against Slovenia itself. But the Bishop is afraid to confirm this openly, because of pressure of the Serbian lobby in Slovenia. In 2006, for example, he was urged by the same lobby - without serious reasons - to receive the Serbian prince Alexander II. Karadjordjevic. It was a matter of Serbian prestige. |
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| Škof Gregorij Rozman |
| 1883 - 1959 |
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| Dr. Gregorij Rozman |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| Potem ko je bila oklicana samostojna Slovenija, je vecina slovenskih ljudi pricakovala, da bodo popravljene krivice, zlorabe, preganjanja vernih, obsodbe; da bo povrnjena cast tistim, ki so se ob izbruhu druge svetovne vojne zoperstavili komunisticni revoluciji, ki so jo komunisti, pod plašcem osvobodilnega boja partizanov, izvajali v imenu Stalina. |
| Posledice komunisticnega in jugoslovanskega totalitarizma v desetletjih po vojni so v samostojni Sloveniji do neke mere sicer odpravljali, vendar ne tistih, v katerih bi bil lahko javno razkrinkan pretekli rezim, in unicevanje Slovencev kot naroda, ki so ga izvajali z nacrtnim izkrivljanjem njegove kulture in zgodovine, z rušenjem gospodarstva, delovnih mest in izobrazevalne ravni, z gonjo proti katoliški Cerkvi, povezani z slovenskim narodom, in z vceplanjem brezverstva v duše mladine. |
| V tem pogledu nekdaji jugoslovanski in velesrbski rezim tudi v današnji Sloveniji ne sme biti prikazan v svoji pravi podobi. Samo tako se je lahko zgodilo, da je bila leta 1999, po vec letih obravnavanja, zavrnjena vloga za obnovitev procesa iz leta 1946, na katerem je bil ljubljanski škof Gregorij Rozman pred vojaškim sodišcem jugoslovanske IV. armade obsojen "zaradi izdajstva" na 18 let prisilnega dela. Kdo je bil ta škof? O njem najdemo najvec gradiva v znameniti knjigi "Škof Rozman", prvi del 1967, drugi del 1970 in tretji del 1977, ki jo je napisal dr. Jakob Kolaric, izdala pa Druzba sv. Mohorja v Celovcu. |
| Gregorij Rozman je bil rojen leta 1883 v vasi Dolincice, fara Šmihel nad Pliberkom (Koroška). Nadarjen otrok, študent, duhovnik 1907, doktor bogoslovja 1912. Od leta 1919 dalje predava kanonsko pravo na teološki fakulteti v Ljubljani. Leta 1930, v tezkih casih velesrbske diktature kralja Aleksandra, prevzame ljubljansko škofijo. |
| Njegov zanos za duhovni in narodni preporod škofije in sploh Slovencev je neizmeren. Povsod se kaze njegova roka: prizadevanje za beatifikacijo Barage in Slomška, misijoni, pomoc revnim, ustanovitev Bratovšcine sv. Druzine, pa Apostolstvo moc in fantov, Katoliška akcija, Marijine kongregacije, vzgoja mladih v duhu kršcanskih vrednot, številni clanki in spisi duhovne vsebine. Leta 1935 organizira v Ljubljani evharisticni kongres… Na ljubljanski škofijski stolici takšnega nadpastirja še ni bilo, in ga še dolgo ne bo. |
| Leta 1939 organizira prav tako v Ljubljani 6. mednarodni kongres Kristusa Kralja. Bilo je velikansko slavje, kot ga mesto ni videlo ne prej ne pozneje. Ljudstvo je veckrat do kraja napolnilo stadion za Bezigradom. Uprizorili so "Igro o kraljestvu bozjem", v kateri je sodelovalo okoli 3000 oseb. V delovanju škofa Rozmana za duševni blagor slovenskega ljudstva, za njegov kulturni napredek, za dvig slovenskega cutenja in mišljenja, so bili postavljeni temelji za duhovni in narodni preporod Slovencev. |
| Ob izbruhu druge svetovne vojne je škof Rozman v smislu znane papezeve okrocnice 'Divini redemptoris' obsodil komunizem in njegovo nasilno brezboštvo, in s tem tudi komunisticno revolucijo, ki jo je z bojem partizanov proti italijanskemu in nemškemu okupatorju izvajala Osvobodilna fronta. |
| Proti pomorom in terorju, ki ga je Osvobodilna fronta, oziroma komunisticna varnostna sluzba v njej, izvajala še posebej nad uglednimi katolicani in njihovimi druzinami, so bile organizirane vaške straze, kasnejše domobranstvo. Toda škof Rozman ni dal v ta namen, cetudi bi kdo tako pricakoval, nikake pobude. Bil je visoko izobrazen, zavedal se je pristojnosti svoje škofovske sluzbe, in delal je povsem v skladu s katoliškimi naceli in cerkvenimi predpisi. |
| V Ljubljani, ki so jo 1941 zasedli Italijani, je predstavljal cerkveno oblast, edino, ki je bila še slovenska. Moznosti, ki mu jih je dajal ta polozaj, je do kraja izrabil za reševanje slovenskih ljudi, ki jih je italijanski okupator zapiral in obsojal na smrt. Edino njegova beseda je pred Italijani nekaj zalegla. Ko je šlo za zivljenje ali smrt slovenskega cloveka, ni vpraševal, ali je kdo komunist ali ne. Zanj je bilo odlocilno samo to, da je bil Slovenec. Obcutil je neizmerno ponizanje, ko se je odpravljal k okupatorju, zato da je "prosil" za izpustitev zaprtih, in še zlasti za obsojene, da jih ne bi ustrelili. Veliko jih je rešil smrti. |
| Ko so Italijani zaprli Toneta Tomšica, tajnika komunisticne partije, ki je bil obsojen na smrt, se je potem, ko je Mussolini zavrnil prvo prošnjo za pomilostitev, obrnil celo na Vatikan, da bi ta posredoval pri italijanski vladi. Toda Tomšica so medtem ze ustrelili. - Na procesu proti Rozmanu leta 1946 niso dovolili, da bi Tomšiceva mati o tem podala pricevanje. |
| Škof Rozman je nepristransko in nesebicno reševal internirance, talce, komuniste in protikomuniste. Tisoci so bili v taborišcih: Rab, Gonars, Monigo, Renicci, Padova in še druga. Njihova imena so danes v "prijateljskih" odnosih z Italijo pozabljena. O tem sta se kmalu po vojni dogovorili srbska in italijanska diplomacija. Na racun Slovencev, katerim, ki jim italijanska stran pred vsem svetom nalaga še krivdo za "fojbe" ceprav jih je v resnici izvajala jugo-armada in niti ne slovenska partizanska stran. |
| Škof Rozman je storil vse, kar je bilo v njegovi moci, da bi preprecil represalije nad nedolcnim prebivalstvom, ki so jih izzvali partizanski napadi. Veliko število vasi je bilo po njegovem prizadevanju rešenih. V enem samem primeru, ko se je obrnil za posredovanje na Sveti sedez, je bilo rešenih pred pozigom 18 notranjskih vasi. Škof Rozman je pomagal reševati tudi preganjane Jude. Na zacetku maja 1945 je celovški škof, ki je pod nemško zasedbo upravljal tudi gorenjski del ljubljanske škofije, poklical škofa Rozmana "zaradi nujnih cerkvenih zadev" v Celovec. Rozman se je je slutil, da je poziv zgolj pretveza, vendar se je le podal v Celovec. Toda pot nazaj mu ni bila vec mogoca. V Celovcu je bival kako leto pod strogim nadzorstvom angleške vojaške oblasti, ki je po drugi vojni upravljala Koroško. Jugoslavija je terjala, da ji Anglezi vrnejo "vojnega zlocinca", zato so prijatelji 1947 prepeljali Rozmana v ameriško cono na Solnograško. |
| Obstajajo pricevanja, da se je Rozman, ko je bil v Celovcu v angleških rokah, mudil še najvec v škofijski kapeli. Celovški škof dr. Köstner navaja (1961): "V najbolj zivem spominu na prevzv. rajnega sobrata mi je njegova globoka poniznost, ki je bila vzor nam vsem. Dolge ure je premolil v domaci kapeli. S posebno ljubeznijo je molil krizev pot. Le-ta, Gospod v najsvetejšem zakramentu, in iskrena poboznost do Matere bozje so mu bili viri moci, ki so mu pomagali nositi pretezki kriz." |
| Proces "zaradi izdajstva" proti škofu Rozmanu v reciji nove komunisticne oblasti, ki so ga vprizorili avgusta leta 1946, spada nedvomno v vrsto najbolj divjih revolucionarnihrocesov, v tem primeru stalinisticnih in titovskih, ki so se takrat vršili po vseh komunisticnih dezelah. Obsodbe so bile dolozene ce vnaprej, obtozba in obramba sta bili samo za kuliso. |
| Partizanski duhovnik Metod Mikuz je v dnevih "procesa" izbiral mesta iz škofovih pastirskih pisem, da bi slovenski javnosti prikazal njegov corpus delicti. In kaj je mogel prikazatiz Poneverbe, goljufije, vojne nacrte, morilno orozjez Saj je bil Rozman vendar vojni zlocinec? Mikuz je "v breme" Rozmana lahko izpisal le besede, v katerih je ta obsojal komunizem. Po njegovem je škof višek zlocinov nad narodom zagrešil z besedami: "Do zadnjega bom trdil in ucil, da je brezbozni komunizem najvecje zlo in najhujša nesreca za slovenski narod" (pridiga na nedeljo sv. Miklavza 1943)… "Brezbozni komunizem ima namen iztrebiti Kristusa, pa skriva svoje brezbozne cilje pod krinko pomagati delovnemu ljudstvu, osvoboditi narod" (v enem od postnih govorov leta 1944). Škof Rozman je bil jasnoviden. Kako prav je imel! |
| Mesec dni po obsodbi je škof odgovoril na posamezne tocke obtoznice v znamen Zagovoru, ki ga je poslal tudi Svetemu sedecu. Ob koncu zagovora navaja: "Odkrito izpricujem, da sem videl v brezboznem komunizmu, popolnoma v smislu enciklike 'Divini redemptoris' najvecjo nevarnost za kršcanstvo in kršcansko zivljenje mojega naroda, nevarnost za casno in vecno sreco, kakor doslej v tisocletni zgodovini naroda ni nikdar poprej obstajala…" |
| Jugoslovanski komunisticni rezim je obsodil škofa Rozmana, ki je reševal Slovence, ne pa tistih med italijanskimi okupatorji, ki so bili odgovorni za pogrome, tako zlasti vojaški poveljnik, general Robotti, ali Emilio Grazioli, vladni komisar za ljubljansko pokrajino! |
| V komunisticnih dezelah so takoj po drugi vojni uprizorili procese proti najvišjim predstavnikom katoliške Cerkve. To so bili kardinali, škofje in nadškofje: Mindszenty na Madzarskem, Stepinac na Hrvaškem, Beran na ceškem, Wyszynski na Poljskem, Slipy v Ukrajini, na Slovenskem pa Rozman. |
| Škof Rozman se je v begunstvu posvecal dušnopastirskemu delu med slovenskimi izseljenci, od Zahodne Evrope do Severne in Juzne Amerike, vse do svoje smrti 1959. Umrl je v Clevelandu, in je pokopan pri slovenskih franciškanih v Lemontu. Komunisticni jugoslovanski rezim ga je preko mreze svojih plazanih zaupnikov v vseh povojnih letih vztrajano in dosledno blatil in obrekoval, kjerkoli se je mudil. Z njegovo obsodbo je obsojal Cerkev, pa tudi scmo katoliško vero, in seveda slovenstvo. Slovenci, v veliki vecini katolicani in verni, naj bi se zaradi tega škofa in njegovega "izdajstva" v odnosih z velesrbskim Belgradom, sramovali svojega katolištva in slovenstva, in dobili odpor do katoliške vere in do Cerkve. |
| Na podoben nacin je jugoslovanska tajna sluzba sistematizno blatila vse zavedne slovenske ljudi tako doma kot v svetu, kot so bili na primer prof. Rudolf in dr. zok v povojnem Trstu, pa prof. Czigan na Koroškem, in še po odcepitvi spomin p. Bazilija v Avstraliji, in še toliko drugih. Torej, v smislu balkanske taktike sistematicno oblatiti, ogrditi in umazati vse zavedne slovenske ljudi, ki so se izpostavili za spoštovanje slovenstva, vere in vrednot, na katerih so Slovenci v svoji zgodovini gradili svoj narodni obstoj. - Tisto, kar je tudi Rozman vtelešal s svojo bogato osebnostjo, dobroto in plemenitostjo, vsled cesar je bil, in tudi ostaja, visoko nad svojimi tozitelji. |
| V vrsti slovenskih škofov je bil škof Rozman, po velikem Slomšku, nedvomno najvecja osebnost v slovenski Cerkvi. Eden najvecjih Slovencev vseh casov, ki ni klonil nasproti ideologiji komunizma, balkanstva in njegove degeneriranosti. Tudi za njega se bo nekoc, mogoce ce kmalu, vodil postopek za razglasitev blazenim. Njegovo ime, ki naj bi, po vec desetletnem sistematicnem nasilju nad slovensko psiho, vzbujalo pri slovenskih ovcah strah, je prav nasprotno: vzor neupogljivosti v veri, plemenitosti, poštenju in slovenstvu. Ta vzor, ki mu je bil tako motec, in ne toliko Rozmana kot osebo, je "obsodil" jugoslovanski rezim! |
| (cf: Rožmanov Proces Volume 24 No. 3 - 4 (93 - 94) Autoumn - Winter 2003 http://www.southslavjournal.com/rev10.htm |
| Tamara Griesser Pecar and France Martin Dolinar, Romanov Proces, Druzina D.0.0., Krekov Trg 1/II, 61001 Ljubljana, 1996, reviewed by Janez A. Arnez. |
| (Please read article: The Supreme Court of Slovenia invalidated the sentence against Gregorij Rozman, the late Bishop of Lublana) |
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| Attacks on the memory of Bishop Rožman |
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| A bad taste title picture of Archbishop Stepinac (Zagreb) and Bishop Rožman (Lublana) appeared in the headlines of the monthly Radar (Lublana), which published a falsified article about two Church dignitaries, on order of the (post-Communist) Serbian secret service. |
| The post-Communist apparatus of ex-Yugoslavia continues its destructive work. Now as before, its aim is to compromise the Catholic Church and the Slovenian religious tradition. |
| Carantha's Comments |
| More then a half century passed since the end of the WW2, when in 1946 the court of the Yugoslav military condemned Dr. Gregorij Rožman, the Bishop of Lublana, to 18 years of forced labour. He was condemned for national »treachery«, because during the WW2 he should have collaborated first with the Italian and then with the German occupation forces. |
| It was, of course, a mise-en-scéne of the Yugoslav Communist regime, which, at that time, was a close ally of Stalin. Similar processes were conducted against József Mindszenty, Archbishop of Budapest (Hungary), Josef Beran, Archbishop of Prague (Czechia), Stefan Wyszinski, Archbishop of Warsaw (Poland) and Alojzije Stepinac, the Archbishop of Zagreb (Croatia). The Communist and Stalinist regimes in Eastern Europe - under the surveillance of the Soviet Union (Russia) - took revenge on the Catholic Church, its Faith and national Christian tradition. |
| It was not any different in Slovenia! Bishop Gregorij Rožman was condemned in absence, because, before the end of the war, the Bishop of Klagenfurt called him to Carinthia (Austria), which soon after was occupied by the British, and he did not return to Lublana. Later, he left for USA on his great mission among the Slovenian immigrants on both, America and in Western Europe († 1959). |
| New attacks, why? |
| For the 60th anniversary of the trial of Dr. Gregorij Rožman, the ex-Yugoslav (now Serbian) secret service, among other things, urged a journalist, Marjan Horvat by name, to write the article published in the monthly Radar of November (Lublana). The journalist made a comparison between Dr. Gregorij Rožman (Lublana) and Dr. Alojzije Stepinac (Zagreb), who was proclaimed Blessed some years ago. Then, the journalist in a »professional« way ascertained: Stepinac condemned crimes committed by the Ustasha but Rožman did not do the same with the Domobranci (in both cases it is about anti-Communist formations during the WW2). |
| It is, of course, about a sophisticated quotation, destined for the well-read intellectual reader of the monthly. Anyway, in Slovenia, during and at the end of the WW2, the majority of crimes were committed by communists. The number of war victims exceeded 100.000, and most of them were committed by the communist revolution and not by the occupation forces. We do not know if Dr. Rožman condemned these crimes, and their extent, which were not revealed and openly discussed until after the war. However, if this was Dr. Rožman's duty, then one has to ask himself, if the then Serbian Patriarch condemned the crimes of the Serbian Tchetniks and Partisans, and if the present-day Serbian Patriarch Pavle condemned the recent crimes of the Miloševic regime? In particular, the Serbia intervention in Bosnia! One can imagine, that the Serbian Patriarch was quite limited in his activities during the Miloševic regime... |
| If Archbishop Stepinac condemned the crimes of Ustahs, one has to ask the question, why was he sentenced at all by the Yugoslav military trial (which, in fact, was under Serbian control)? It was, as we already quoted, about the communist persecution of the Catholic Church and the religious tradition of Croatians. The same occurred in Slovenia. |
| Our standpoint:: We will always intercede on behalf of the people, the name of whom the underground forces, in this case the Serbian secret service, wants to demonize. This is not only the case with Church dignitaries like Rožman and Stepinac, but also with other honest persons regardless of their outlook on life. So, we presented on our site the partisan commander Franc Rozman - Stane, as well as the partisan poet Karel Destovnik - Kajuh, although their ideas were based on communist principles (because they expected salvation from »Slav« Russia)... It is completely true, what the Gospel says: You will recognize them by their fruits. (Mt 7, 16). |
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| Franc Rozman - Stane |
| a legendary Partisan Commander |
| *1911 - †1944 |
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| Portrait of Franc Rozman - Stane, |
| drawing by Bozidar Jakac |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| The Communist regime in Slovenia (Yugoslavia), that caused the partisans' liberation war at the end of the WW2, was very violent. The partisans, who fought the liberation war under Communist leadership against foreign occupators, were publicly glorified and mystified. Remembrance Day of fallen partisans was commemorated every year on November 1st, marked by significant events, which were unfolded in special rituals. Each year the ceremonies were repeated in the same manner. In the course of time, when people experienced more and more the catastrophic political and economical consequences of the Communist regime and its terror, these memorial rituals became less and less convincing. Especially the young generation, still faithful, began to dislike them. One has to ask oneself, if the partisans were responsible and guilty for the violent Communist regime, that prevailed in Slovenia after the WW2? |
| At that time, I belonged to the young generation and I was faced with the same question. It took some time before I understood, that those boys and men, i.e., the common partisans, fought first of all against the occupying forces and for a free Slovenia. They imagined a Slovenian State. And not only that, their dream started to become reality: a government was founded, a proper currency was issued, many partisan workshops provided supplies for the fighters (the future economy), literature was promoted, a partisan theatre gave performances... The centre of gravity of the liberation war and its revolution was the Province of Lublana, which was under Italian occupation during the WW2. |
| Nevertheless, the partisans' battle was led under the control of the Communist party, in compliance with orders given by Stalin. The Communist party supported the liberation war, which played also an important role in the Communist revolution. The Communist security service, known as VOS, persecuted and slaughtered in the name of the revolution Catholic civilian people, which resulted that the inhabitants of the Lublana Province entered an anti-Communist defence pact. In this way, another war waged between the anti-Communist formations and the partisans under Communist leadership. Consequently, many Slovenians compared the partisans with the Communists. A way of thinking, which certainly was a mistake. |
| Indeed, thousands of partisans fought the liberation war with sincerity in order to achieve freedom for Slovenia. Therefore, despite the unsuitable public celebrations which take place on the 1st day of November each year, their sacrifices deserve to be remembered in an honourable place. Some partisans were very heroes. At this point we want to remember one of them, namely the legendary Commander Stane. The circumstances of his death were never completely clarified. |
| Who was Commander Stane? |
| His life story touches ones heart! An individual with a common background, intelligent, a man of action. Let us mention here that he was certainly not the only gifted person among the Slovenian male generation of the first decades of the 20th century. Many Slovenian boys with very creative talents tried to realize their idealistic plans. However, fate assigned to them different roles, and to some of them very visible ones. Commander Stane was destined to play such a role. |
| His father, Franc Rozman, was a railroad worker, who came from Spodnje Pirnice (pron. pirnitche), north of Lublana (Slovenia); his mother was Marjana Stare, originally from Skarucna. Their son Franc Rozman was born in the maternity hospital in Lublana, in 1911. He was the third child in the family and had two older sisters Marjeta and Terezija. Two years later, his brother Martin was born. At the age of three he lost his father, who was killed at the Russian front in the WW1. |
| His mother Marjana wanted to get married again to a fellow by the name of Joze Nanut, originally from Štandrez near Gorica. But he was a refugee, and therefore, the municipality opposed the marriage. Out of this union a son named Ivan was born in 1920. It was the period after WW1, and Slovenia belonged already to the new constituted Yugoslavia. Because of great nostalgia, Joze Nanut moved back home to Štandrez, which was under Italy after the WW1. Marjana left her daughters in an orphanage, she gave her sons to foster parents, and followed Joze Nanut to Italy. There, in 1922, she gave birth to another daughter, named Jolanda. But as the years went by, and because of the Fascist regime in Italy, the young family moved back to Slovenia. Joze Nanut and Marjana finally got married in 1926. |
| Under such conditions, young Franc Rozman experienced a poor and harsh childhood. In school, from which he graduated in 1926, he had a teacher called Alojzij Macarol, originally from Šempolaj near Nabrezina, in the surrounding of Trieste. He was a convinced Slovenian and a Slav, an idealist, who enjoyed talking about the Slovenian situation in Littoral (Italy), at that time under the rule of the Fascist regime. He expected salvation from their "great" Slav brothers, the Russians. At that time, Russia was already under Stalin's regime. But these people, full of idealism, could not imagine that the Slav brothers were also capable of committing crimes. And neither did Tine Rozanc realize the severe situation; he was the trustee of young Franc and his brother Martin. Tine was a very distinguished man and a good worker, who cared for the young boys like a true father. Because of his idealistic point of view he became a Communist, the children loved him and were decisively influenced by him. During the Italian occupation of Lublana (1941) he was taken hostage and killed by gunshot. |
| At the age of 15, young Franc Rozman worked as a bartender in a tavern, and thereafter he became a baker's apprentice. As a young boy, he was enthusiastic about the military, but the army rejected his application. In spring of 1932 he had to serve the army. As soon as the Spanish civil war broke out, he decided to become a volunteer soldier and travelled to Spain. On October 1, 1936, he joined the Spanish Republican Army. In Perales de Tajuna he completed a non-commissioned officers' school, became a lieutenant and a commander of a company, then captain and commander of a battalion. His comrades in arms remembered him as a lively, earnest and decreed person. |
| After the war in Spain he spent some time in French camps. Then, he applied for a job in Germany and went to Meissen in April 1941. From there he escaped, and in July 1941 he finally returned to Lublana. By that time the city was under Italian occupation, and close to the northern suburbs began the German occupation zone. Slovenian resistance against the occupators was very well organized. Through its channels Franc Rozman soon found a place to live with one of its supporters, namely the Štefancic family in St. Peter Street. For several months he lived incognito in Lublana as a member of the Liberation Front - OF. In the first half of December, Franc Rozman, under the illegal name of Stane, transferred to the partisans. |
| The Partisans' High Commander |
| At first, the High Commander of the partisans appointed Franc Rozman - Stane as a military instructor. After some skirmishes with the occupying forces he was entrusted with the set up of the Štajerski bataljon (Styrian battalion). This formation had the task to gather the partisan troops, who, already since autumn 1941, were active in the basin of the Savinja River in Lower Styria, which was occupied by German forces. |
| The battalion soon performed a very visible deed: an attack on the town of Šoštanj. The partisans occupied for two hours the town, the seat of the town's commune and the seat of the heimatdienst, where they destroyed the archives. Thereafter they returned to the safety in the woods, singing their favourite melodies on the way. Other actions against the enemy followed. |
| Franc Rozman's bravery, intelligence and capability were soon proven. Among the partisans his real name was forgotten, they spoke of him only as "tovariš Stane" (comrade Stane) and "komandant Stane" (Commander Stane). He was a comrade to his fighters and also a friend in the very sense of the word. He was modest and so were his clothes. One is astonished to find such a soul and spirit hidden under his outer appearance. He was a man of action, completely dedicated to the ideals of right and freedom for his Slovenian people. This was his purpose in life and he was not afraid to die for it. At the same time he was an excellent military strategist. |
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| Dušan Kveder - Tomaz, Franc Rozman - Stane, and Peter Stante - Skala, |
| photographed by Bozidar Jakac, in July 1943 |
| On April 5, 1942, the First Partisan Brigade was founded, headed off by Franc Rozman - Stane as commander, Peter Stante - Skala as his substitute, and Dušan Kveder - Tomaz as political commissar. At the time of founding, the brigade had at its disposal ca. 300 fighters divided into three battalions. Their baptism of fire occurred in the hills of Jance (792 m) east of Lublana, in the German zone. Under Stane's command, the brigade fought against German troops, who, at that time, did not expect any war tactics from "bandits". This was a great mistake, because the partisan warriors with Commander Stane as their leader felt themselves as strong as the Slovenian army, and they fought with unexpected courage. |
| Commander Stane was soon aware, that he had to accept the clashing of arms and that he had to stand guard against the enemy until nightfall, before he could withdraw his troops. More and more attacks followed from the German side, which were accompanied with great casualties. The strategic place on the small hill was decisive for the battle, and Stane soon gave orders to occupy the hill. All this happened only minutes before the German forces were ready to take the hill. In this way the fight was decided - but not finished. The partisans still had to bring themselves into safety in the Italian occupied territory across the border. Stane chose the road very close to Lublana, where no one expected the partisans. By the time the Germans realized that they were searching in the wrong direction for the withdrawing partisans, the latter were already in safety. Then followed other actions, this time they were directed against the Italian occupying forces south of Lublana... |
| On July 13, 1943, Franc Rozman - Stane was appointed commander of the High Command of the Slovenian partisan army, and the rank of general-major was granted to him. Because the Slovenian partisans, at that time, were already subordinated to the Yugoslav liberation army, the respective decree was issued by their high commander Josip Broz - Tito. But in spite of his newly gained general stripes, Commander Stane continued to remain a very comrade to his fellow-fighters. |
| Among the numerous battles against occupying forces, one of the greatest actions undertaken by Commander Stane was the partisans' expedition to Lower Styria, which was under German occupation, in order to bring support to the following troops: those of Revirje, of Savinja and of Ruše, which operated there. But this march did not achieve its goal, i.e., it could not establish a liberated territory in Lower Styria. |
| After this expedition, Commander Stane went to Osankarica on the Pohorje massif, where he found the destroyed camp of the former Pohorski bataljon. Already on January 8, 1943, this battalion was encircled by German troops, and all fighters fell in action. Commander Stane was deeply shocked, and could not understand the imprudence of the battalion's staff, which did not accurately ensure the battalion's situation before the investment. - Thereafter, he re-organized the partisan resistance in this territory. Numerous skirmishes and fights followed against the occupying troops, which were all victoriously led by Stane. But a chronology about them was not written down until today. |
| In the following months, Franc Rozman - Stane became a legendary leader. Under his command he led the partisans into victory every time. And these boys would not be true Slovenians, if they, besides fighting, would not sing. There were also songs about their commander : ... od zmag do zmag, nas vodil je tovariš Stane... - from victory to victory, we were led by comrade Stane...(text: Cvetko Zagorski and Mile Klopcic, composition: Karol Pahor). |
| Only great love for his homeland and for his fellowmen must have inspired this wonderful boy to perform such a unique role. If something was wrong, he did not have to shout, a severe look was enough. The partisans liked him; praise from his mouth was precious and stimulating. |
| His death and memory |
| Commander Stane died under mysterious circumstances - though officially it was said that the cause of his death was a bad wound, which he received while testing the new mortar weapon, that the partisans received from the English allies. This occurred in the region of Bela krajina. There were also rumours that his death was an act of sabotage caused by the Yugoslav military authorities, but it was never fully proven. |
| The general public could not believe that his life took such a sad turn. However, it was after the WW2, Slovenia was under the rule of Yugoslavia and its Communist terror, and people were too frightened to make a public inquiry about Stane's suspicious death. In today's independent Slovenia, the suspicions of sabotage were expressed in certain newspapers. But members of the ex-Communist party acted quickly and reassured the public that Stane's death was caused by unsafe weapons received from the English. They further stressed, that the English allies have often shipped unsafe weapons to the partisans, which in several cases provoked incidents. The faulty mortar apparently exploded in Stane's presence during the test and caused his death as well as that of two other partisans. |
| It is possible that Stane was accidentally killed under such circumstances, but some element of doubt always remains. One cannot believe, that an experienced man of his calibre was not aware of possible incidents that could occur when testing a new weapon. Was he really so ingenuous to stand close-by to an unproven weapon, when it fired off? Such a weapon could also be activated by means of a cord from a safe distance?! Several people believe that the incident was a set up. However, for what reason? It is said, that Stane, in his partisan loyalty to his nation, was the main obstacle for the arriving Yugoslav (Serbian) partisans in Slovenia. Therefore, his figure had to be removed. |
| By viewing things on a larger scale, we have established that a multitude of partisans were killed by the VOS, the Communist security service. Until today, the victims of Communist terror attacks are never remembered. They simply are suppressed. But it is well known, that these partisans were very loyal Slovenian patriots, and this alone could have been the reason for their liquidation. These partisans were driven by patriotism, who gave their life to fight for a free Slovenia, and not for the Communist revolution! |
| These partisans had a dream: the dream of a Slovenian State. If this could not be achieved within the federal or confederate Yugoslavia, then it should have been carried out outside of the confederation. But they were not aware that such a Slovenian State was not foreseen by Stalin, Tito and the Yugoslav (Serbian) Communist oligarchy. Therefore, patriots like these represented a potential obstacle to the revolutionary plans of the Yugoslav Communists and to the future of Yugoslavia. |
| The question is, if people like Commander Stane, so intelligent and patriotic, were not aware of the very aims of the partisans' liberation war? The aims, which were hidden behind the ideologies of Slavism, fraternal Yugoslavism, and righteous proletarian Communism? And were the Communist comrades among the partisans aware of Stane's very Slovenian sentiments? If all this was true, Commander Stane, too, like numerous other patriotic partisans, was destined to die. |
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| Memorial in remembrance of Commander Stane in the centre of Lublana, |
| which was erected not earlier then in 1975 |
| After WW2, Commander Stane was a proclaimed hero, and he was remembered in many articles. Nevertheless, it took 30 years, before a memorial was inaugurated for him in the centre of Lublana, in 1975. Why did it take so long? Numerous memorials for the fallen partisans were inaugurated already in the 50s. Further on, only in 1977 was a miscellany issued about him, written by different authors, his fellow friends. Moreover, a monograph about his life was not published until now. A memorial and a publication were realized only after many decades, when his image slowly faded from the mind of the younger generation. |
| And yet, one cannot help but imagine, that such attitude toward this Slovenian national hero could only have been piloted by the central Yugoslav Communist authorities. They were constantly removing all national symbols of Slovenians, as to smother their national sentiments, and to inoculate in their mind the idea of a "servant people" of their own kind. The figure of Commander Stane and many others bore witness of the contrary. Is this the true reason, why his memorial was held under control for so long? |
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| Prince Archbishop Francišek Borgia Sedej |
| A righteous Catholic Prelate who became a political victim |
| of Nationalism and Church Politics |
| 1854 - 1931 |
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| Prince and Archbishop Sedej |
| The portrait is kept in the Archiepiscopal Palace in Gorica - Gorizia |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| In the modern Catholic life of Slovenians, Francišek Borgia Sedaj, the Archbishop of Gorica (1906 - 1931), was certainly one of the most outstanding personalities. But the Slovenian press seldom mentioned him. Not at last, because of nationalistic and political conflicts, which in the first half of the 20th century, the period of his episcopate, existed between Italy and the Vatican on one side, and the Slovenians from Littoral on the other. After WW1 this territory belonged to Italy and its Fascist regime. After WW2, the most part of Littoral was annexed to Slovenia, which was integrated into Communist Yugoslavia. The previous persecutions of Slovenians, carried out in Littoral by the Italian Fascist regime, including the case of Archbishop Sedej, were hardly remembered by the Slovenian mass media. Because it would have caused problems in the "good relations" between Yugoslavia and Italy. Therefore, Sedej's case was kept silent; even the Catholic press of Slovenia, which was firmly under Belgrade's control, did not dare to write about him. |
| Nevertheless, one of the reasons, why the Catholic press kept Archbishop Sedej and his fate in the dark, can partially be attributed to the circumstances, that the Vatican did not offer him the necessary protection against the attacks of the Italian Fascist regime. These attacks lasted for many years. Finally, Sedej was constrained to retreat from his post. This fact had a bad influence on the faithful of Littoral, it changed their attitude towards the Vatican and the Catholic Church. Thus, it would be best not to mention his case! And in order to keep alive the good image of the Catholic Church, Sedej's remembrance was sacrificed for the second time. |
| Sedej's Life |
| Francišek Borgia Sedej (pronounce Sedey) was the archbishop of a diocese, whose membership consisted at that time primarily of Slovenians, some Friulians and Italians. He was a very conscientious Slovenian, but righteous to other national groups. This is clearly evidenced by the following event. In 1917, during the WW1, still under the Austrian regime, he was asked to sign the well-known Majska deklaracija (May Declaration), which demanded from Vienna, to found a Southern Slav State within the Austrian Monarchy. The Bishop of Lublana, Anton Bonaventura Jeglic, had already signed the declaration. But Archbishop Sedej refused to give his signature, saying: "I am not a bishop of Slovenians only, but also of Friulians and Italians!" |
| Francišek Borgia Sedej was born in 1854 in Cerkno, a borough, which can be found between Idrija and Tolmin. Talented as he was, he demonstrated his capabilities already in elementary school. On the initiative of the dean he soon was transferred to Gorica (Gorizia, Görz), where he finished elementary school, entered the Lower Catholic Seminar, and attended gymnasium at the Franciscans on Kostanjevica. He graduated from gymnasium in 1874. Already a year before, he began to study theology as an externist, then regularly, and in the fourth grade he was ordained priest, in 1877. Then, he worked as a curate in his native Cerkno. |
| In 1878, the then archbishop of Gorica, Andrej Gollmayer, sent him to the Augustineum in Vienna, where he continued his studies for four years. Besides theological and biblical sciences, he also studied Oriental languages. Upon his return to Gorica he had to carry out many tasks, as assigned . So, he taught Biblical sciences and Semitic languages at the High Seminar, he taught church singing in the Lower Seminar, and so on. In addition, he also wrote his doctorate work. In 1884 he submitted it to Vienna and achieved the Doctor title. |
| In 1889, he moved to Vienna and was appointed chaplain at the Imperial Court. He also performed other duties related to the Augustineum, and wrote articles in several papers and magazins. In 1894, he founded in Vienna the "Danica" association for Slovenian students, and so on... |
| Archbishop Jakob Missia, (Cardinal since 1899), called him to Gorica in 1898, and entrusted him with new services and tasks. He was appointed priest and canon of the Dome Cathedral and became the dean of Gorica. In the following year he was made a member of the Provincial School Council and inspector of the Slovenian and German schools. At the High Seminar, he also taught the Old and the New Testament... |
| Prince Archbishop and Illyrian Metropolite |
| In 1906, after the death of Archbishop Andrej Jordan, the Emperor appointed Francišek Borgia Sedej as Prince Archbishop of Gorica, and the Vatican gave its approval. The title of "prince" as well as the rank of "archbishop" were the historical legacy of the Patriarchate of Aquileia. It was suspended in 1750, and on its church territory were founded two archbishoprics, those of Gorica (Austria) and Udine (Republic of Venice). Because the Patriarch was also the Prince of the Empire, the corresponding titles were continued by both archbishops . |
| Francišek Borgia Sedej proved himself to be a high prelate of the Catholic church. He led the archbishopric in an excellent way. He was also the head of the so-called Illyrian Church Province with the suffragans of Trieste, Porec - Pulj (Parenzo - Pola) in Istria, and Krk (Veglia) in Kvarner. In this territory different language areas were a linguistic issue, and therefore, the theology students at the High Seminar of Gorica spoke different mother tongues: Slovenian, Italian, Friulian and Croatian. Of course, they studied also Latin and German. Indeed, as priests they were highly educated and well versed. All this happened under the careful vigilance of Archbishop Sedej. It probably was a very unique situation in the Catholic Church, where linguistic groups co-existed so well side by side. |
| After the breakout of the WW1, Italy declared war on Austria, in 1915. The Isonzo War Front was established close to Gorica. Archbishop Sedej, the archiepiscopal offices and the priest seminars were transferred to the Monastery of Sticna in Carniola. Translations were carried out with help from Luigi Faidutti, the Governor of the Province of Gorica. Luigi Faidutti was a very prominent personality of Gorica at that time, one of the most salient, who deserves to be mentioned, at least with a few words. |
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| Luigi Faidutti and Luigi Fogar, two excellent Catholic priests, |
| who became political victims of the Fascist regime. |
| Luigi Faidutti (1861 - 1931) was born in the village of Škrutovo in the Slovenian area of Natisone (Nadiza) Valleys, in Friuli. He visited the Catholic Seminar in Gorica, whereas his native village, since 1866, pertained to Italy. Thereafter, he, too, studied at the Augustineum in Vienna and was promoted Doctor of theology. Then, he became very active in Gorica, especially in the Friulian area of the province. He dedicated his social, economic and cultural activity to the Friulians, by founding many co-operative savings banks, Banca del Friuli, and he was also the founder of the Friuli Peoples Party. Particularly this last deed brought him the hatred of the Italian liberals. But in the elections of 1913, his party was victorious, and he, with the support of Slovenians, became governor of the Province of Gorica. The end of the WW1 found him in Vienna. The Province of Gorica came under the control of Italy. He was permitted to return to Italy, but only to Rome, not to Gorica. Therefore, the Vatican sent him as nuntius to Kaunas in Lithuania, in 1924. He died in 1931, and was buried there. |
| After the end of the WW1, Archbishop Sedej returned to Gorizia, at that time already pertaining to Italy. He began to organize the renewal of numerous churches of the diocese, which were destroyed during the war, including the heavily damaged archiepiscopal palace. For this purpose, he even founded a co-operative society, which was already suppressed in 1923. Until 1930, 62 churches were renewed, among them was the famous pilgrim church of Sveta gora. |
| With great endeavour he renewed the pastoral and religious life in the diocese. Many priests were in Italian internment camps, and they finally could return to their parishes in 1920. - In 1921, the merciful Mary's image, which during the WW1 was preserved in Lublana, returned to her church on Sveta gora. On this occasion, Archbishop Sedej revived the Marian societies in the diocese. According to the statistics of 1924, there were 72 Marianic societies for girls only, and 54 Marianic kindergartens. He also wanted to introduce the Catholic Action among the Slovenians. Nevertheless, the Church authorities were not ready to grant an autonomy to the Slovenian branch of this association. Therefore, both, the Slovenian priesthood and the people decisively rejected the introduction of this association. |
| Because the Catholic publishing house, "Druzba sv. Mohorja" of Celovec - Klagenfurt, was transferred to Celje (Yugoslavia) and could not spread their books in Littoral (Gorica, Trieste and Istria), under Italy, he founded in 1923 the "Goriška Mohorjeva druzba" (St. Hermagoras Society of Gorica), which began to supply the people with good literature. And so on. |
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The façade of the Archiepiscopal Palace in Gorica - Gorizia in 1921, painted with detestable Fascist inscriptions against Archbishop Sedej. Twice we see the slogan "A morte Sedey" (death to Sedej). |
| The Fascist press did continuously attack Archbishop Sedej, particularly the dailies Il Popolo di Trieste and Giornale del Friuli, demanding his removal from the diocese. He felt insulted as a "Slav" and a "pro-Austrian". Already in 1921, the Fascist payees painted the facade of the archiepiscopal palace with offensive slogans like "Death to Sedey", "Sedey pig"... In 1923, the federal Fascist secretary of the Province of Gorica and the Council of the Gorica Commune sent a formal request to the government of Rome to remove Sedej from the diocese. Then, the faithful and the priesthood of the archdiocese rose to his defence, and the Vatican expressed a decisive opposition, too. |
| In 1925, the Deputy Minister of the Rome Parliament, Piero Pisenti, assured that three persons, Sedej - Faidutti - Fogar, represent the greatest obstacle for a successful Italianization of the Littoral. In 1926, the Minister of Justice, Rocco, demanded again Sedej's abdication. But the Apostolic visitator rejected his accusation. Then, the faithful and the priests rose anew in defence of Archbishop Sedej and collected from the people over 300,000 signatures in his favour.... Nevertheless, the local administration and the Fascist associations continued their threats by putting obstacles in Sedaj's pastoral work and, first of all, they worked against his endeavours, to bring the pastoral to Slovenians in their mother tongue. Anyway, the Archbishop did not surrender, he endured 13 fateful years. |
| For several years, Archbishop Sedej still received the support and confidence of the Vatican and he insisted to remain in office in order to protect his Slovenian faithful. On the other hand, however, Angelo Bartomasi, the Bishop of Trieste, stopped his protests against the Fascist regime and resigned from his post already in 1922. In Trieste, local Fascists interfered with church affairs. In 1923, very probably upon Sedej's recommendation, Pope Pius XI appointed as Bishop of Trieste the excellent and well educated Friulian priest, Luigi Fogar, originally from Gorica. |
| Sedej's forced abdication |
| Between 1930 and 1931, the Fascist press started a second campaign against Archbishop Sedej. When the campaign reached its peak, the Vatican felt obliged to send the apostolic emissary, Luca Possetto by name, to Gorica as to investigate the situation. But this messenger was evidently a confidant of the Fascist regime, as we can see from his behaviour. First he paid a visit to all State offices in Gorica, and even contacted the seat of the Fascist party, and afterwards he finally came to Archbishop Sedej and said to him: "The Holy Father desires, that you abdicate!" Archbishop Sedej answered: "If this is the Pope's desire, I am obedient." The following day, he wrote a letter to Pope Pious XI, who accepted his abdication. Here arises the question, was the message, that Luca Possetto delivered to Archbishop Sedej, really the Pope's desire? If it was so, why would he visit the State offices in Gorica at all, and confront Sedej only at the end of his mission? |
| Some European press agencies accepted Sedej's abdication with indignation. The paper Kölner Zeitung wrote: "The Vatican bought its second conciliation with the Fascism. For this, it sacrificed not only Mons. Sedej, but also its own attitude toward the national minorities, the attitude it had until now." Similar press releases appeared in Eco de Paris and several other papers. The indignation was also expressed in Slovenian (Yugoslavian) papers. - Indirectly, Pope Pius XI himself was accused. Therefore, the Vatican felt obliged to answer. It was published in the Vatican's daily Osservatore Romano in December 1931. It was a lie, of course. The daily affirmed, Sedej's abdication was wholly spontaneous... |
| Not earlier then after the WW2, Mons. Panzera, a Friulian priest, published his memoirs on Sedej in the Slovenian weekly Katoliški glas (Gorica, 1961); he wrote: Close to his death, when Sedej already was losing his senses, he muttered: "That father, that father...!" Evidently, he meant Luca Possetto. Archbishop Sedej could not have imagined that he was cheated by the same Church summit. It seems, however, that Pope Pius XI was not completely aware of the very doing of Luca Possetto, and that he simply accepted Sedej's letter of abdication. Nevertheless, later events showed, that Pope Pius XI was not equal to his tasks: A not right man, on a not right place, in a not right time. After some years, in 1936, Pope Pious XI, under similar circumstances deposed Luigi Fogar, the Bishop of Trieste. But this time, the Pope was very well aware of the real state of affairs. In spite of this, he sacrificed the Bishop of Trieste for a compromise with the Fascist regime. |
| Luigi Fogar (1882 - 1971), a Friulian, was born in Pevma near Gorica. He visited the gymnasium in Gorica, and finished the final classes at the Benedictines in Meran (Tyrol). Then he was a pupil of the Jesuitic institution Canisianum in Innsbruck and studied theology at the University there. In 1907 he was ordained priest in Brixen, studied then again at the Gregoriana in Rome, and in 1908 he returned to Gorica. There, he carried out various services. In 1923, Pope Pious XI appointed him Bishop of Trieste. There, Fogar did not submit to the politics of the local Fascists. So, he decisively intervened through the Vatican with the Italian government, when the State prefect in Trieste, Tiengo, prohibited the liturgy in Slovenian language in several churches of the city. The Fascist government threatened to break off the diplomatic relations with the Vatican. Then, both parties came to a "peace" agreement, provided that both, Tiengo and Fogar leave Trieste. It was in 1936, when Pope Pious XI deposed Fogar as Bishop of Trieste. |
| The sad consequences |
| The deception with the abdication of Archbishop Sedej was certainly the Vatican's most undignified doing of the 20th century AD. After the abdication, the Vatican appointed Giovanni Sirotti (Sirotich) to the Apostolic Administrator of the Archbishopric of Gorica. A priest, who was the rector of the Lower Seminar in Koper - Capodistria, and was well known as an Italian nationalist and Fascist adherent. The one-time pupils of that seminar remembered, that they were not served dinner, if they were caught speaking in their prohibited Slovenian mother tongue. Sirotti dismissed soon all employees of Slovenian origin from the services of the diocese. The offices of the archbishopric and the seminars in Gorica had to get rid of all things, which reminded of something Slovenian. |
| Pope Pius XI, who signed the appointment of Sirotti as Apostolic Administrator in Gorica, could not have known his personality in advance. So, it is very probable, that the Fascist regime had its confidants in the Pope's entourage, who recommended Sirotti. Sirotti's appointment was not only a casual case. It was a sign of a planned denationalisation politic towards Slovenians, carried out at that time also by members of the Vatican. The appointment of the regime's confident Sirotti confirmed, that Sedej's abdication was a deception. Sedej was aware of this, because he knew the Sirotti Fascist adhesion very well. Undoubtedly, this knowledge contributed to his death soon after. |
| Such behaviour of the Church summit left serious consequences in the Slovenian faithful of the Province of Gorica and the entire Littoral. Slovenian intellectuals and people of national self-confidence moved away from the Church and searched for justice in the Slav ideology, diffused at that time by Russia (Soviet Union) together with the Communism. Slovenian priests in Littoral, who, with great endeavour laboured for Faith, Church and for their nation, received with Sedej's forced abdication a knife in the back for their work. |
| Thus, the aforesaid events were very painful not only for Italy, but also for the same Catholic Church. No wonder that the case of Archbishop Sedej remains suppressed in the Italian press, particularly in Littoral (Venezia Giulia) and Friuli. The official press of the neighbouring State Slovenia (Yugoslavia), of the post-war period, kept also silent about the event for a long time. Only the Catholic press there, in particular the bi-weekly Druzina, mentioned him from time to time. The authors of the articles, however, avoided to make the Church summit responsible for Sedej's abdication, as not to provoke the indignation of the faithful. Such point of view is also evident from the contributions presented at a seminar about Archbishop Sedej, which in 1986 was prepared by the Slovenian Theological Academy in Rome. |
| In 1992, when Pope John Paul II visited Gorica and Trieste, the organisers of the event, who also prepared his speech, omitted the mentioning of Archbishop Sedej, and the corresponding accusations. This occurred in spite of similar accusations, which in the Pope's speeches already became a fashion on his visits to other countries all over the world. |
| Moreover, in 1996, when the same Pope visited Slovenia, his encounter with the people of Littoral, which after WW2 for its greatest part was included in Slovenia, was prepared in Postojna, far away from Gorica and Nova Gorica. Did the organisers do this intentionally? - Did they try to avoid that the Pope visits the well-known pilgrim church at Sveta gora, where Archbishop Sedej and Cardinal Missia are buried? In this way, one also avoided, that the Pope had to excuse the injustice committed on the Slovenian people by the Church summit during the Fascist period. |
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| Frank Gorshin |
| a Hollywood star |
| As a young boy he learned acting and singing |
| in the Slovenian school in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania |
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| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| In the '80s I came across a very interesting book entitled Slovenian Heritage I, written and published by Prof. Edward Gobetz (Cleveland). In this book, the author presents a great number of Slovenian compatriots, who made a name for themselves in the world. One of them was Frank Gorshin, a Hollywood star of Slovenian roots. I was somewhat surprised to read, that Frank was a student of the Slovenian school in Pittsburgh PA, where his aunt, Mrs. Mary Skerlong, is still broadcasting a weekly Slovenian radio program. Nothing of this was known in Slovenia until today. |
| Even though, I am not a movie expert, but the name Frank Gorshin was known to me already since the 60s. Frank did not make an impression on me because of his appearance. He did not have a muscular build. But he caught my attention as an actor of a very talent. When I later learned from the above book that he attended Slovenian school, I imagine, that part of his success was based on the fact, that he adopted the well-known Slovenian passion for play and performance. It helped him to develop his proper abilities as an actor. |
| In the Slovenia (Yugoslavia) of the 60s and 70s, where so many people loved to go to the movies, not one of them had the slightest notion, that Frank was of Slovenian origin. This was due to the fact that the centralistic Belgrade regime severely controlled all public information, and supervised the consciousness of Slovenian people. The regime did not allow Slovenians to be proud of the success and achievements of their countrymen abroad. Examples like Gorshin would certainly have provoked enthusiasm among the people, because he was of Slovenian origin and had a Slovenian identity. Such qualities were systematically humiliated through school programs and the mass-media... |
| Gorshin's life and career |
| The road to success began in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, for Gorshin, where he was born on April 5, 1934. His parents were simple people. Father worked for the railroad and mother was a seamstress. At the age of 12, Gorshin discovered an interest in performing, and began to school himself as an actor. While in high school, he worked as an usher at the Sheridan Square Theatre, and for fun he began doing impressions of some of his screen heroes - Al Jolson, James Cagney, Cary Grant and Edward G. Robinson. |
| Then, at 17 he won a talent contest in Pittsburgh, his prize being a one-week engagement at Jackie Heller's Carousel night club, where Alan King was headlining. It was Gorshin's first paid job as an entertainer. Two nights before Gorshin's first performance at the Carousel, his 15 year old brother was hit and killed in a car accident. At the insistence of his family, Frank went through with the engagement, which launched his show business career. After graduation from high school, Gorshin attended the Carnegie Tech (now Carnegie-Mellon Tech) School of Drama, and in his spare time he worked in plays and in night-clubs in the Pittsburgh area. |
| Then in 1953, he entered the US Army. He stayed for almost two years in the armed forces during the Korean conflict, and served as an entertainer in Special Services. In the Army he met Maurice Bergman. When Gorshin returned to civilian life, Maurice introduced him to a Hollywood agent, who almost instantly got him a job in the Paramount motion picture, "The Proud and The Profane". Roles in television dramas followed quickly. In 1957, while visiting his folks in Pittsburgh, Gorshin received a phone call from his agent, advising him to rush back to California for a screen test in the Clark Gable film, "Run Silent, Run Deep". Gorshin drove for 39 consecutive hours, fell asleep behind the wheel, crashed, suffered a fractured skull, and woke up in the hospital after four days. He later learned that the role was given to Don Rickles, and considerably boosted Rickles' career. |
| Gorshin also discovered, that one of the Los Angeles newspapers had erroneously reported him killed. Although fate prevented him from landing that role, Gorshin subsequently appeared in the motion picture "The Bells Are Ringing" (starring the late Judy Holliday and Dean Martin), in the part of a Brando-like method actor. This led to a role as a myopic bass player in "Where the Boys Are"- which led to co-starring with David Janssen in "Ring of Fire" - all for Metro Goldwin Mayer (MGM). |
| In 1958 Gorshin made his first Hollywood night-club appearance at The Purple Onion. He was then signed up for five appearances on The Steve Allen Show and subsequently, twelve guestings on The Ed Sullivan Show. In turn, this led to his landing the recurring role of a shore patrol sailor in the Jackie Cooper series, "Hennessy". Several years later, Gorshin made a contract for his first Las Vegas engagement, at The Flamingo, opening for Bobby Darin. Gorshin was the first to "break through" as a headliner in Las Vegas' main showrooms with an act that emphasized impressions. |
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| Frank Gorshin as The Riddler on the "Batman" TV-series |
| During the '60s a major breakthrough occurred in his career, when he obtained the role of The Riddler on the "Batman" television series, and received an Emmy nomination. "I could feel the impact overnight," Gorshin recalls. On the nation's streets, youngsters began impersonating The Riddler. Gorshin found himself being hailed - by strangers as well as friends - as The Riddler. As a result of the major impact that Gorshin had on television, he was given headliner status in Las Vegas at the MGM Grand, The Sahara, The International and the Aladdin. |
| In addition, Gorshin became the first impressionist, who made headlines in the prestigious Empire Room of New York's Waldorf Astoria Hotel. He has since starred in major night-clubs and concert halls worldwide and was a guest on numerous television variety and dramatic series, and specials. In 1972, he starred on the unique ABC-TV series "The Kopy Kats." |
| In 1970 Gorshin made his Broadway debut, as the star of "Jimmy", based on the life of New York's Mayor James J Walker. Gorshin's personal notices were raves. He also starred in touring companies of "Promises, Promises", "Peter Pan", "Prisoner of Second Street", "Death Trap", "Doubles", "Ah Wilderness, "On the 20th Century", "Breaking Legs" and "Guys and Dolls". His performance in "What Makes Sammy Run?" in Los Angeles earned him recognition as an outstanding stage performer in the Burns Mantle Yearbook. In the same year, In 1978, Gorshin, who achieved national recognition as The Riddler, re-enacted the role in an NBC-TV special, "Legends of the Superheroes". In the same year, too, Gorshin starred as Ocran in the NBC-TV miniseries, "Stories from the Bible". In 1979 he starred in the CBS-TV motion picture, "Death Car on the Freeway" and as the space villain in "Buck Rogers in the 25th Century". In 1980, he starred in "Goliath Awaits" for NBC and for BBC in "Treasure Island" and "Princess Ida". In 1978 and 1979, Gorshin was named one of the "Ten Best Dressed Men in America" by the Custom International Bachelor Women's Society. |
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| Frank Gorshin as "Slimman" |
| During 1980 Gorshin served as Honorary Chairman, Entertainment Division, for the American Heart association. Gorshin is still hailed for his thought provoking Emmy nominated performance in the Star Trek episode, "Let This Be Your Final Battle", a statement on modern day prejudice. He is a guest in "Lois and Clark", and the Nickolodean series "Are You Afraid of The Dark?" Gorshin's recent movie roles include "Meteor Man", "12 Monkeys" with Bruce Willis and "Twilight of The Ice Nymphs" with Shelly Duvall. Among his prized possessions is a review from a Hollywood Reporter: "Frank Gorshin is so talented, he has to be one of the greatest entertainers today. He is an actor - a fine actor. He is a singer - a fine singer. He is a comic - a splendid comic". |
| Frank Gorshin is the complete entertainer. His titles include impressionist, singer, comedian, stage, motion picture and television comedy and dramatic star, as well as night club and concert performance star. Although most people think of Gorshin primarily as an impressionist, he looks upon himself as a performer who does impressions, in addition to a vast array of other things. "I do not do hundreds of impressions," says Gorhsin. "My entire repertoire of impressions numbers less than 50. I never set out to do an impression of a person. However, when something, a star does suddenly, sparks my imagination, I find myself doing an impression of him-first for my own amusement, later for my repertoire." |
| What distinguishes the Gorshin impressions, are their totality. Not only does he capture the voice, but literally seems to take on the facial and body characteristics of his subjects - no mean feat when they range from the young cocky Brando to the older Brando of Godfather fame, to the wacky and incredible physical transformation of Ed Sullivan. With a dimming of the lights and a mere expression of the face, Gorshin can set chills up your spine as Anthony Hopkins' eerie and frightening "Hannibal Lechter". But, he also acted in, literally, hundreds of television and motion picture dramas and comedies, he has acted on Broadway, and throughout the country on road company stages, and has received rare reviews for not only his theatrical finesse, but also for his superlative work as a singer. He recently told an interviewer, "I like to do all things, and hopefully do them well. I love to act, I love to sing, I love doing impressions. I am happiest, when I am on stage working, giving the audience my all." |
| We wish, Frank Gorshin should finally pay a visit to Slovenia, that already more then a decade is an independent and internationally recognised State. I think, he would be well accept and with great enthusiasm. |
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| Franc Jeza |
| A militant for an Independent Slovenia |
| 1916 - 1984 |
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| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| In the period after WW2, Franc Jeza was certainly the most visible combatant for an independent Slovenia. He lived in Trieste, where he took refuge from the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, in 1948. There, he worked for the Slovenian broadcasting station "Radio Trst A", first under American and English occupation, and since 1954 under Italy. In that period, his inclination for an independent Slovenia was somewhat uncommon. Hardly any Slovenian dared to think, that a Slovenian State would be possible. At that time, in the same Slovenia, which was a federal province of Yugoslavia, the idea of independence was considered a dream, very beautiful but unrealisable. The general public believed that the Slovenian population was too small in order to survive as an independent nation, it would not have the ability to withstand the menaces of their Italian and German neighbours. |
| Such thinking was constantly promulgated by confidants of the Yugoslav secret service. In a totalitarian State like Yugoslavia, such confidants were however introduced everywhere. Slovenians could exist and survive only under protection of their Slav and Southern Slav (Yugoslav) brethren. Such ideas were drummed into their mind. The motto "brotherhood and unity" were the raison d'être of Yugoslavia. In this connection, on part of Serbian Belgrade, any endeavour, which was made for a Slovenian national identity, was suspected and treated as "nationalism" and "separatism". |
| In Trieste, and in the Slovenian territory, which after WW2 remained under Italy, Slovenians considered Yugoslavia as their motherland. There, the idea of an independent Slovenia was unacceptable. Many Slovenian cultural associations received support from the "motherland", and there were also those, who used the money to do business, and so on. Not to mention, that Jeza's idea of an independent Slovenia could not reach the one-time partisans of Trieste. But the idea found adherents among several Slovenians in the world. |
| Franc Jeza was born in Hajdina near Ptuj (Pettau), in 1916. He graduated from the gymnasium in Ptuj, in 1939, and then he enrolled in law at the University of Lublana. When Lublana was under Italian occupation, in 1941, he joined the Liberation Front. But in December of that same year, he was discovered and arrested. He remained in jail until 1943, when German troops occupied Ljubljana. Then he was transported to the lager of Dachau and thereafter to Überlingen at the Bodensee. He turned to Lublana in 1945, continued his study and also worked as a journalist. But he could not get used to the Communist regime and, as mentioned before, he took refuge in Trieste. Then, beside his journalism, he enrolled in ethnography and ethnology at the University of Graz (Styria, Austria), and he also completed his study. |
| Franc Jeza was not only a journalist, but also a productive writer. He continuously wrote articles, comments, travelogues... translated into Slovenian, and so on. Through his contributions he collaborated with Slovenian emigrant papers like Slovenska drzava (Slovenian State, Toronto) and Smer v slovensko drzavo (Direction in the Slovenian State, Buenos Aires). He tried to substantiate the Slovenian State idea by searching for the very origins and the very history of Slovenians. |
| In this regard, his first work was Skandinavski izvor Slovencev (Scandinavian Origin of Slovenians) published in 1967. In this work, he made comparative studies between the Scandinavian and Slovenian vocabulary and ethnology, and on base of this, he came to the conclusion, that Slovenians originated from Scandinavia. They would be derived from this territory under the name of Vandals. - It was a daring affirmation in contrast to the general and official explanations, in sense of which all Slavs originated from a common aboriginal country behind the Carpathian Mountains. One part of these Slavs, the Southern Slavs, should have advanced to the Balkans, and a current of the Southern Slavs should have reached the Eastern Alps, where they gradually became Slovenians. |
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| Cover page and title page of Jeza's book "O kljucnih vprašanjih..." (About Key Questions...), published in Buenso Aires in 1977. |
| A naive and false affirmation, but it satisfied the interests of the States in Middle Europe, in the Balkans, and their ideologies. And Franc Jeza had the courage to contradict this ridiculous thesis! Nevertheless, in a campaign against him the confidants of the yugo-Slav regime in the same Trieste ridiculed Jeza's explanation. However, he insisted on his thesis, and repeated it many times in his articles. He mentioned it also in the interesting book of his studies called O kljucnih vprašanjih rane karantansko - slovenske zgodovine (About the Key Questions of the Early Carantanian - Slovenian History, published by the Slovenian emigration in Buenos Aires 1977). |
| Jeza's empirical comparisons of Scandinavian and Slovenian linguistic and ethnological similarities could not be denied. But decades of years must have passed, before his discoveries found their very explanation. They are a legacy of the pre-historic times. Indeed, when I published my first study about Veneti (the non-Southern-Slav ancestors of Slovenians), in 1985, I remembered Jeza's discoveries of the "Scandinavian" origin of Slovenians. Apart the migration currents of the Veneti, that around 1200 BC from their aboriginal country in Lusatia directed toward the south and reached the Mediterranean, I pointed at the strong likelihood, that one of the currents also reached Scandinavia. My suppositions were confirmed as true, as the recent results of the DNA comparisons have shown. It has been genetically proven, that still today the closest people to the Slovenians are the Swedish. Thus, the one-time Jeza discoveries have not been ridiculous at all. |
| Jeza's Slovenian Vision |
| The literary legacy of Franc Jeza is ample. For his life work he received, in 1979, the literary price Vstajenje (Ressurection), which is delivered by a Slovenian cultural group in Trieste. Among his works the Nevidna meja (Unvisible Border, 1980), a collection of fantastic stories, must be pointed out. Another one of his work, Spomini iz taborišca (Memories from the Lager, 1985) was issued after his death. |
| Anyway, Jeza's chief ideal was and remained the independent Slovenian State. He was certainly the first to affirm, that Austria is only the continuation of the former (Slovenian) Carantania. I remember him saying: If no State formation (i.e. Carantania) would have existed in the Eastern Alps, then Bavaria would have extended into this territory there. - Thus, Slovenians possess their historical State tradition! Because of ideological reasons, this historical fact has been and still is denied by either the modern Austrian and German or by the Slovenian, previously Yugoslav, historiography. |
| In Austria, however, many people are aware of this. I sensed such an opinion from the late Univ. Prof. Erich Körner, who said to me: Wir sind Karantaner (We are Carantanians). It is true, many German people came from Bavaria to dwell here, and the German language gradually spread over the country. But the ethnical physiognomy, in spite of the assertions made by Austrian historians, did not change to such a great extent, that the people would have become Bavarians. Franz Jeza, as an ethnologist, was aware of this fact. Thus, the statehood of early Carantania continued, even though this very state, after being ruled by the Habsburgs (House of Austria) since 1282/1335, adopted the name of Austria. |
| This was Jeza's additional reason, because he rejected Yugoslavia and the right it assumed to be a "home" for Slovenians. There were no historical, ethnical, economical, social and political reasons to this purpose. He was the inspirator of Slovenia's independence movement. But this scarcely found an echo among Slovenians, even those in the free world were doubtful, because Yugoslavia was an internationally recognized State, and there were no signs in sight for its disintegration. |
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The cover pages of a series of Jeza's publications: Alterntiva (1978), Inciativa (1979), Demokracija (1980), Akcija (1980), and Neodvisna Slovenia (Independent Slovenia, 1983), containing free written essays from several authors. |
| Even outside of Yugoslavia the publication of free articles was no longer possible. Therefore, he started to publish his articles in the papers together with several authors, all of them referring to the idea of an independent Slovenia. In this way the following editions were issued: Alternativa (1978), Iniciativa (1979), Demokracija (1980), Akcija (1980), and Neodvisna Slovenija (1983). Today, these papers are held and appreciated as precious documents dealing with the maturing of the independent Slovenia State idea. Only some years after his death his dream came true. In 1990, over 90 % Slovenians voted for the separation from Yugoslavia and for an independent Slovenia. In 1991, the independence was solemnly declared, and some months later Slovenia was internationally recognized. |
| Some years after Slovenia's independence a symposium was prepared in Trieste about the work and life of Franc Jeza (April 22, 1994), and soon after another symposium followed in Ptuj (October 22, 1994) close to its native Hajdina. He associated with several worthy Styrian men. The noble people of Styria should be proud of their son, who sacrificed so much for freedom and for human values. |
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| A Life's Work for a Free Slovenia |
| 1905 - 1975 |
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| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| Indeed, I was very surprised that the Enciklopedija Slovenije (4/1990) dedicated only some modest lines to his life and work. In spite of this, his style of writing was the best among the Slovenians, and his pen a weapon truth in the period before and after the WW2. As a matter of fact, he was above all a journalist, and much less a writer. In Slovenia, the young generation has no knowledge of him and his role in the anti-Communist attitude among the Slovenian emigration in the world. Neither do they know his great ideal and cultural work for a free Slovenia, that he did not live to see. He firmly believed in a free Slovenia, and dedicated his activity to this course. |
| Undoubtedly, Ruda Jurcec (pron. yourtchetz) is one of the most valorous men from his native Prlekija. Many important personalities originated from this part of Lower Styria, who often created the fate of Slovenia. Let us name some of them: Bishop Slomšek, Card. Missia, inventor Puch, Col. Vauhnik, etc. The cultural and political legacy of Jurcec has not been collected yet and presented to the Slovenian public in its very light. |
| His Life |
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The Memorial in honour of Ruda Jurcec in his native Ormoz, erected in the years after 1991, i.e., in an independent Slovenian State, for which his heart longed so much. |
| Ruda Jurcec was born in Ormoz (Friedau) in Lower Styria, in 1905. In the period before the WW1, there were already continuous clashes between the German speaking and German thinking class, who prevailingly lived in towns and boroughs, and the Slovenians, who were present in minor numbers among the urban population. But they dominated the entire countryside. However, the disputes were not only about the German language, which was considered superior in confront to the Slovenian. After the Austrian government exercised the Germanizing policy some decades, the Great German national idea started to become overwhelming. Jurcec said in one of his memorial literary works: on one occasion the mayor of Ormoz made a speech at a special reception in 1914, and then he called out to the crowd: "Bismarck, Sieg, Heil...". Then everybody was asked to sing "Die Wacht am Rhein..." The Austrian multinational idea was already dead. |
| Under such conditions, Slovenian intellectuals had to fight persistently for the acknowledgement of the Slovenian language in public life. At that time, the only official language was German. The schools were also German, where one would tolerate Slovenian children. But in church, there dominated the Slovenian language. Ruda Jurcec remembers, that the Easter Procession with the Slovenian liturgy and singing was incredible long, as if it wanted to conquer the prevalently German speaking and thinking Ormoz. |
| Such clashes of national ideas in Lower Styria crystallised the national consciousness of the Slovenian people. The Slovenian intellectuals from this area were in front line, when it came to defend the Slovenian identity, even in the new State of Yugoslavia after WW2. After the WW2, when Slovenia, in the then totalitarian and Communist Yugoslavia, had to join the great-Serbian regime of Belgrade, they lanced in their midst the idea of an independent Slovenia. Among them, Ruda Jurcec was one of the leading philosophers. |
| In 1918, upon recommendation of the local chaplain, young Ruda was sent to the gymnasium in Lublana, where he dwelt in Marijanišce (St. Mary's College). Ruda was a very intelligent boy, studying was not a problem for him, and he passed his first class of gymnasium with distinction. He also had a gift to write and was a participant of the literary circle, which was led by Narte Velikonja at the gymnasium. But in 1923, because of his personal awkwardness during a student strike in the dining hall, he was expelled from Marijanišce, and he had to withdraw for a brief time to Ormoz until he received permission to return to college, where he completed grade five at the gymnasium. Nevertheless, he continued his studies at the classical gymnasium in Maribor. After the general examination in 1926, he enrolled to study Law at the University of Lublana. |
| At that time, Ruda Jurcec was a student and an intellectual, very well versed in the Slovenian and German cultural world. He also took private lessons in French. The disagreeable experience in Marijanišce did not remove him from the Catholic world at all. He firmly collaborated with the Catholic associations, the expression of which was the political field of the Slovenian Popular Party (SLS). The leader of the party was the famous politician, Dr. Anton Korošec, who originated from the same area as Ruda. |
| With the support of the Dr. Anton Korošec Foundation, Ruda Jurcec participated in a two-month French course at Nancy, in 1927. Then, with the help of the same foundation, he was sent to Paris in 1928, where he enrolled at the École libre des sciences politiques, and finished his study there in 1931. |
| When Ruda Jurcec returned to Lublana, where he worked as a journalist and writer, the dictatorship introduced by the Yugoslav king Alexander Karadjordjevic, at the beginning of 1929, was in full course. The Slovenian political leader, Dr. Anton Korošec, was exiled on the isle of Hvar in Dalmatia. Ruda succeeded to visit him, and then he published in the Catholic daily "Slovenec" (The Slovenian), an article with a great echo called "Politics on Holidays". Apart from the "Slovenec", he wrote articles in other prestigious magazines like "Beseda o sodobnih vprašanjih" (Word of Modern Questions) or "Modra ptica" (Blue Bird). In "Sodobnost" (Contemporary) he published the article "Vatican and ZSSR", at that time a daredevil writing because of its thematic. Since 1935, Ruda Jurcec was co-editor of "Slovenec", the most influential Slovenian paper, and correspondent of the French news agency Havas. |
| Ruda Jurcec knew many important personalities, both, in the European and in the Slovenian arena. The principal centres of the then political forces in Europe, Paris and Berlin, were well known to him. We can say, that with his articles he influenced, maybe in a decisive measure, the thinking of Slovenian intellectuals, in particular the Catholic ones, who were in majority. Nevertheless, the Communist agitation in Lublana of that period worked continuously and persistent. In order to attract several Catholic malcontents and grumblers, like Prof. Edvard Kocbek, they burdened the guilt on the Church of the existing harsh life conditions. The Communist underground carried out the ideology of Christian-Socialism, which was but a preliminary stage of Communism. Of course, Ruda Jurcec rejected such deviations. |
| During his career, he never received any donation; everything had to be earned with hard work. And he worked untiringly, in all dignity, for the faith and fight of Christian and human values in public life. At the beginning of 1942, he accepted the position of chief editor of "Slovenec". During the WW2, the paper was and remained Catholic and Slovenian oriented, and rejected the Communist revolution, which was carried out under the pretext of liberation from foreign occupation. |
| In 1945, at the beginning of May, before the partisans arrived, Ruda Jurcec, too, left Lublana. First, he went to Carinthia, and then to Rome. He was incessantly active with political questions concerning Slovenians, which he also brought to the attention of the Western Allies. Then, in 1948 he left for Buenos Aires. He laboured zealously in cultural affairs for the numerous Slovenians living in exile there. They began to publish the weekly Svobodna Slovenija (Free Slovenia), with the edition of the prestigious yearbook of scientific papers. In 1951, the scientific magazin Vrednote ( Values), and in 1954 the Slovenian Cultural Action (SKA) were founded. This association published its organ Glas SKA (The Voice of SKA), which connected Slovenian intellectuals all over the free world. The Slovenian writer, Zorko Simcic, also edited the cultural magazine Meddobje (Between the Centuries). Indeed, the cultural and national Slovenia, which in Yugoslavia was under the control of the Communist and great-Serbian regime of Belgrade, continued to live on in the free world. |
| The publications from the Slovenian cultural group in Buenos Aires reached Slovenian readers everywhere. Many radio stations, like Radio Washington, or BBC, or Deutsche Welle, in particular Radio Trst A (Trieste), transmitted their articles in Slovenian language. Ruda Jurcec was one of the most powerful pillars in this very lively circle. In 1957, his first literary work called Ljubljanski triptih (The Lublana Triptych) was published. |
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| Cover page and title page of the Jurcec' second volume of "Skozi luci in sence" (Through the Lights and Shadows), published in 1966. |
| But life was not easy for Ruda Jurcec, this proud and firm Slovenian. He had to overcome obstacles in his public as well as in his private life. But, it did not break his spirit. One cannot imagine, that such a sensible and delicate personality, as he was, could endure such hard labour. In 1964, he published the first book of his memoirs called Skozi luci in sence (Through the Lights and Shadows). The second book was published in 1966, and the third one in 1969. The last one failed to be completed. The Slovenian cultural public was completely shocked. Until then, no one treated the Slovenian affairs from such a view point as he did, ie., on an European and world scene. Until then, the Yugoslav regime, after the WW1 and the WW2, succeeded to impose on Slovenian writers a quarantine of information. From their point of view, it was already somewhat paranoia; they only looked for the possibility of survival for Slovenians. |
| But Ruda Jurcec, with his great talent and noble soul, had risen above such narrow minded views. Indeed, he knew the true meaning of democracy and the freedom of thinking. Therefore, he made no compromises with the representatives of the Yugoslav Communist regime, albeit the II Vatican Council introduced a "dialogue" to all people of "good will". With such a standpoint, it was quite natural, that the idea of a free and independent Slovenia matured. It occurred in a spontaneous way, because there were no researches and studies concerning the historical Slovenian State and its tradition. |
| The "dialogue" between the Slovenian emigration and the Yugoslav Communist regime, as well as the members of the SKA prevailed on a merely cultural point of view. In 1969, at the general assembly, the regulations were accepted in this sense. Then, a group of Slovenian Catholic intellectuals left the assembly out of protest. They founded, under the editorship of Ruda Jurcec, the bi-weekly Sij slovenske svobode (At the Dawn of Slovenia's Freedom). The whole Slovenian world was astonished: the paper was a very spiritual master-piece. |
| Sij slovenske svobode |
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| Title page of the "Sij slovenske svobode" (The Dawn of the Slovenian Freedom), that was published in the period 1969 - 1980. |
| The most important collaborators of this paper were Srecko Baraga, Francè Dolinar, Bozidar Fink, Alojzij Gerzinic, Janez Grum, Mirko Javornik, the same Ruda Jurcec, then Joze Kveder, Branko Pistivsek, Filip Zakelj. The soul of activity within the group was Ruda Jurcec. After his death, in 1975, Alojzij Gerzinic became the editor of the paper. This group of writers' main purpose was a free and independent Slovenia, and they were uncompromising toward the Communist regime in the then Yugoslav Slovenia. They took into consideration, that Communist regimes in general could not survive for a longer period of time, and that, sooner or later, the moment had to come when Slovenia would declare its independence. |
| Nevertheless, this paper was not only an anti-Communist voice. In addition, Ruda Jurcec became a phenomenon of Slovenian journalism, as never existed before or after. Undoubtedly, Ruda Jurcec was a journalist of world class. He could have made a career with several foreign papers. But it is deeply moving, that he dedicated all his energy to a free Slovenia. He was aware, that under the Communist and Yugoslav regime Slovenians were living in a quarantine of information, in an intimidating atmosphere, which gradually blocked their free-thinking, consciousness and creativity. He did everything possible to publish over and over articles based on freedom, democracy and, in particular, based on Slovenian national patriotism and consciousness. The latter was particularly persecuted and deformed by the great-Serbian structures of Belgrade, especially through the net of the Yugoslav secret service, not only at home but all over the world. |
| The thinking of Slovenians was pervaded by intimidation, incessantly carried out by the confidants of the Yugoslav secret service. In fact, one could rarely find Slovenians abroad, who openly ventured to declare themselves attached to the idea of an independent Slovenia. So, the paper Sij (Dawn) was a great challenge for the Slovenian public in general, either globally, or in the same Slovenia (Yugoslavia). The words of some articles found a loud echo in such an atmosphere, especially the one entitled: ...Yugoslaviam esse delendam... (Yugoslavia must be destroyed). |
| In 1975, Ruda Jurcec decided to have an operation at the urology clinic in Buenos Aires. The operation was successful, but he fell into great depression. On the way to the sanatorium an accidental fall occurred. He died, and was buried on the cemetery Charita in Buenos Aires. Slovenian papers in the free world published memoirs of his death and stressed the great work he carried out in raising the Slovenian thinking to a level of free discussion, in particular concerning their national destiny. |
| His message |
| The appeal for a free and independent Slovenia launched by Ruda Jurcec and the group around Sij (Dawn) could not have been overheard by the Belgrade regime, that knew the silent longing of Slovenians for a proper Independent State. Among the confidants of the Yugoslav regime there was also a Slovenian journalist named Janez Cucek. In 1979, he published in Slovenia (Yugoslavia) a reportage book called "Sramota umira pocasi" (The infamy is dying slowly), in which he even dedicated two chapters to Jurcec. It was an attempt of the Belgrade regime to stop the penetration of a Free Slovenian idea, diffused by Jurcec' circle among the Slovenians in the world and at home. |
| Nevertheless, the persuasion that only a free and independent Slovenia could save the problem of the national existence of Slovenians grew more and more among the political leadership in the same Slovenia (Yugoslavia). In 1990, at a referendum over 90% of Slovenians declared themselves for an independent Slovenia, which was proclaimed in the following year of 1991. |
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| Matt Cvetic, after disclosing his activity, shows the Communist subversive propaganda. |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| Still in the 70s, when I spoke with Andrew Kobal, a well-known Slovenian countryman and writer from America, I had no idea that Matej (Matt) Cvetic, the FBI-counterspy and hero of several American strips, was a native Slovenian. They even made a movie of him, and Andrew Kobal wrote a spy novel called Slovenec v sluzbi pri F.B.I. (A Slovenian in service of the FBI), published by the publishing house Mohorjeva in Gorica, in 1981. Nevertheless, I was very surprised to learn, that only recently his adversaries tried once again to destroy the image of Cvetic. Cf. Daniel J. Leab: I was a Communist for FBI. The Unhappy Life and Times of Matt Cvetic (Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000). Now, I went back to Kobal's book, and indeed, while I turned the pages, I found Cvetic's image in a different light. |
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The cover and the title page of the Slovenian book "Slovenec v sluzbi pri F.B.I." written by Andrej Kobal, and published by Mohorjeva, Gorica 1981. It was, and still remains the only unique source about Matt Cvetic, written in Slovenian. |
| Matt's Origin |
| His birth name was Matthew (Matej, in Slovenian), and he was the son of Franc (Francis) Cvetic, a Slovenian, originally from the Karst (Kras) in the surrounding of Trieste, who immigrated to America at the turn of the 20th century. Francis Cvetic (pron. zvetitch) settled in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, already at that time an important industrial centre. Many Slovenian immigrants settled there, and a modest Slovenian church in 57th Street, built in 1894 and consecrated to Mary's Assumption (Vnebovzetje Marijino), existed already on the "Carniolan Hill". Simply, they could not sustain without the Slovenian Mass and the Slovenian church song. Francis Cvetic and his wife Barbara Spelic became one of the most zealous supporters of the Slovenian church in Pittsburgh, and so were later also their twelve children, their grandchildren and great grandchildren. |
| Matej (Matthew) joined the many children of the Cvetic family as new-born in 1909. His brothers and sisters gave him the Slovenian pet-name Matejcek (pron. mateytchek). In school the other children called him Matt, and his friends called him Matty. He was a cheerful boy, but very sensible. His body became infected with each children's disease. But he was also very intelligent and diligent. At the age of 10, his parents enrolled him in St. Vincent College, which was outside of Pittsburgh at the foot of the Allegheny Mountains. After some years he completed his studies with the general examination. |
| Back in Pittsburgh, where he lived again after his studies, the entire Slovenian neighbourhood around 57th Street was proud of him. At that time, there were hardly any people with school education among the Slovenian workers. His mother Barbara insisted on him to read Slovenian papers, in particular the monthly "Ave Maria", and she helped him with the pronunciation of the sentences. He also enjoyed singing in the Slovenian church choir were he met his future wife Maria. They got married. Matt laboured diligently, and they soon were able to build a proper home for the family. Out of this matrimony were born the twin-brothers, called Matthew and Richard. |
| He became a "Communist" |
| It was 1939, when the WW2 broke out in Europe. America had not entered the war yet, but many Nazi and Communist spies started to get active there. They focused particularly on Pittsburgh, the centre of the American heavy industry with thousands of labourers. At that time, Matt Cvetic was employed with the federal mediative work office. He had nothing particular in mind, when he offered his collaboration to the army's intelligence service. Nevertheless, it took two years before they answered him, and this time it came from the FBI. After thinking it over, he accepted the proposed collaboration with the federal secret service. |
| He did not retreat from the service, when the FBI ordered him to enter the local cell of the Communist Party. Indeed, in 1941, he publicly became a Communist. But what a price he had to pay! First of all, he had to renounce his church, which he liked so very much. The very religious Slovenians eliminated him from their community. In school, his young sons were scolded by other children, because of their Communist father. His wife Maria also turned against him, and he went away from home, leaving his family behind. Then he lived in a hotel room. - In his distress and fear, he was a very lonely man. One day, when he could not carry his burden any longer, he decided to talk to Father Daniel, and he confessed to him the situation, he was in. Father Daniel encouraged Matt and gave him his benediction. This benediction and consciousness accompanied Matt in all following temptations. |
| Matt's very religious mother was completely shocked and in pain, because her son had left the church. His father was furious. His mother died suddenly and he came to the funeral. But his two brothers got very angry when they saw him, they were beating him black and blue and threw him out at the end. The whole family renounced him. How could he live with all this? Says Andrew Kobal: In such stern tests, he was invigorated by the excellent education of his Slovenian parents, by the deep faith in God, the love for his relations and for his American home... But fear, which this very hero also knew, took a hold of him and intimidated him. At the same time, it also helped him to continue his tiresome and tedious activity. But he was constantly on a death peril, if he would be discovered. Several party members were murdered, because of mistrust by the party leadership. |
| In all secrecy, Matt diligently gathered for the FBI incriminating political material concerning the subversive activity of Stalin's agents and of the Communist Party members in Pittsburgh. After the strict directives of Moscow, they firmly laboured in sense of a future revolution in America. A that time, the Soviet Union was still an American ally against Nazi Germany. According to a documented work of Yale university (p. 440) concerning 1942, there were no less then 25 Soviet spy nets in the United States. Because of his activity in the Communist Party and because of his public appurtenance to the Communist Party, Matt Cvetic even lost his job. His Communist fellows appreciated very much such a sacrifice. Matt was looking for a new job, and after great difficulties he found one with the insurance agency, which was headed by Oscar Godina, his playmate from childhood. Oscar knew him, and he had confidence in him. |
| Among the various American associations, which were infiltrated by Communist confidants, an important role was attributed to the SANS - Slovenian American National Council, with the seat in Cleveland, Ohio. It was founded in 1942, and was very probably the largest immigration organization of its kind in the United States. It connected a great number of Slovenian associations with different ideological convictions for the unique purpose, to help Slovenia during and after the difficult period of WW2. The affiliated associations were represented by ca. 300 thousands members. |
| The honourable chairman of SANS was Louis Adamich, a well-known American - Slovenian writer and a friend of the wife of the American president, and therefore a regular guest in the White House. But secretly he was a confidant to Stalin and Tito. Naturally, the contributions made by SANS did not reach Slovenia; instead they benefited the Communist Party. They even established a foundation called "Hungry Child", as to touch the heart of the people. When it came to a conflict between Stalin and Tito, the Communist background of SANS was discovered and this great federation of Slovenian associations gradually fall apart. |
| Matt's Testifying |
| It took until 1950, when Matt Cvetic was summoned to present himself before the Hearing Board of the American Congress in Washington, in order to give his testifying evidence concerning the Soviet spy net. His son Richard, who at that time served in the marines, received the order to pick up his father at the railway station and to escort him to Washington. |
| There, in the Congress hall, at the beginning of the hearing, Matt Cvetic had first to swear on the Bible. Then the formal questions were put: |
| "Your full name?" - "Matt Cvetic." |
| "Mr. Cvetic, what is your job?" - Slowly and quite plainly Matt answered: "I am working as a secret agent of the FBI." |
| Silence! That was suddenly broken by an outcry: "Dad! My dad!" It was his son Richard, who could not hold himself back any longer. He jumped over the railing of the visitors' gallery, and rushed to embrace his father. In an instant, the disdain the son had shown for his father as a "traitor" was turned into an indescribable admiration and love. |
| America was astonished. Broadcasters interrupted their programs in order to bring such incredibly sensational news to the public. The press sent special reporters to Washington, as to hear the news directly from the mouth of Matt Cvetic, son of a Slovenian immigrant. His father, who was taking a rest at the time, listened to a radio program, which was suddenly interrupted with the sensational news of his renounced son Matt. He called his daughter, as to assure himself, that he had heard right. |
| Three weeks went by before Matt Cvetic returned to Pittsburgh. And then, all the members of the Cvetic clan gathered for Mass in the Slovenian church at 57th Street. Father Daniel donated the Mass. All Slovenian parishioners were present, and many other people, who heard about the hero Matt Cvetic. The crowd was so big, that they could not find enough room to stand all in church. Matt was overwhelmed from happiness, that he could join the church choir again. |
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| The poster of the famous film "I was a Communist for the FBI" (with Frank Lovejoy as Matt), which was produced in 1951. |
| Matt Cvetic became the unforgettable American-Slovenian hero. Reporters and photographers besieged him. The youth strips published his story, in which he secretly acted against spies and subversives, and denunciated them; thereafter they appeared in jail, where they belonged... Film producers from Hollywood made a motion picture of his story. Indeed, the film was produced in 1951 and yielded a great success. - But the Communist press started a terrible campaign against the traitor Cvetic: thief, swindler, brawler, liar, violator, seducer, workers' enemy, and falsification... But such attacks made him even more interesting to the American public. |
| Slovenians in America were very proud of their hero, who decisively contributed to the collapse of Stalin's conspiracy against the Unites States. Veteran associations all over the United States invited him to hold conferences. At one time, in the middle of his performance he received the sad news of his dying father. He rushed home and found his father unconscious. He kneeled at his father's bed, and then he heard his words: "Matejcek, I am so glad to see you. Now, I can go in peace. I will tell mother, how diligent you have been, I will tell her all..." And then dad closed his eyes. |
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Slovenian church of Mary's Assumption in Pittsburgh, which was built with great contributions made by the Cvetic family, in particular by Matt Cvetic. |
| The Slovenian church in Pittsburgh, consecrated to Mary's Assumption, was rebuilt in the following years. The new building was completed in 1955. Matt Cvetic collected zealously contributions for the building, and from all anonymous donators, he was the greatest one. The ticklish events in his life he described in a multi-part series of the Saturday Evening Post, in 1950. The book The Big Decision of 1959, published other parts of his memoirs. He died in 1962, when he was only 53 years old. |
| In Slovenia, the story of his life and the Cvetic' family were never presented to the public, and neither was the film. The film "I was a Communist for the FBI" played already for a long time in the free world. It became a device in the fight against conspiracy of dictator-minded regimes. But regardless of all this, the figure of Matt Cvetic is still knocking at the door of Slovenia. |
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| Blessed Benvenuta Boianis |
| (* 1255 - † 1292) |
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| Benvenuta Boianis |
| Dr.Jožko Šavli |
| The city of Cividale, in Friuli (Italy), was founded by Julius Caesar in 50 BC, where once an ancient castellar stood. In the Roman period the city was raised to a municipium. In 568 AD, the Lombards occupied Italy, and established their kingdom there, in which Friuli was a duchy with the centre in Cividale. The valleys north of the city were settled from times immemorial by Slovenian speaking people, who still today call Cividale by the name of Cedad (pron. tchedad). Some Slovenian families lived also in the city, and one of them were the Boianis (Bojanni, de Boianis) - Boianis in Friulian, Boiani in Italian, Bojan in Slovenian. Even nowadays, several lines of this family are dispersed all over the world. Their name derives from Bojan (pron. boyan), meaning a "warrior". |
| The existence of this family has been verified already in the 13th century. Some family members served the Patriarch of Aquileia, others the Count of Goerz... The governmental seat of the Patriarch was Cividale. The Patriarch used to ride into town on the back of a white mule. He was sitting on his throne, which still can be seen at the museum of the cathedral in the city. After ancient tradition, a member of the Boianis family handed him a drawn sword, which he placed on a white sheet. Then he received the Evangeliary whereby all the nobility swore fidelity to him. Some days later the Parliament was convoked, and the Patriarch in full capacity of his powers confirmed or renewed offices and investitures, and he illustrated the intentions of his government. |
| The youngest daughter of the Boianis family was called by the rare name of Benvenuta, and she indeed was a child of virtue, gifts and power, who later was proclaimed blessed. Benvenuta Boianis lived in Cividale, where she was born in 1255 to Konrad (Corrado) Boianis and Albertina Buttinico. Benvenuta's father, who had already six daughters, was anxiously waiting for a baby boy and put all his faith into the arrival of a male child. The father was probably disappointed when he was presented with another baby girl. But being good-natured and a very good Christian he exclaimed: "She, too, shall be welcome (benvenuta)," and to justify his action of faith, he decided to call her Benvenuta. In the following years, the good father had plenty of reasons to take comfort in his beloved daughter. She was a blessing to her parents and seemed to belong more to the sky than to the earth. |
| On her route of ascetic experience, of contemplation and solitude she exceeded temptations and tests of every kind. She remained in the family until her death, living a secluded and humble life. Her most favourite pastime were the walks to Castelmonte (Stara gora, in Slovenian), the well-known Mary's pellegrinage above Cividale. After she got asthma and paralysis, and could not take these strolls anymore, she asked every day to be carried to a certain corner in the garden, that permitted a view on Castelmonte, were she was holding silent prayers that were long and fervent. |
| Fleeting things did not attract her, and the sisters never succeed to talk her into worldly vanities. She was only guided by her fervour, and in the inexperience of her youth, she exercised the virtue of penance. Since her 12th year she wore a penitential robe, laced herself up with a chain or cable, and beat herself... This went on until St. Dominic came to her in a vision of God, and advised her of a more gentle asceticism. She experienced the Christ passion, and she, in her mystical visions, encountered the image of Mary with Child. But she was also tormented by the devil, who appeared to her in form of a dog, cat or snake. But she enjoyed also celestial favours. |
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Embroidered veil, attributed to the Blessed Benvenuta Boiani (Cividale Museum). It is declared as the workmanship of 14th/15th century. But this does not exclude that it really could be the work of this saintly woman. |
| She became paralytic, but after her visit to the grave of St. Dominic in Bologna († 1221), she started to recover and entered the Dominican secular Third Order. Her brief life was lived in the light of admirable examples, both for the fellows of the Third Order and for the people. She died on October 30, 1292, and her body was interred in front of the altar of St. Peter Martyr in the St. Dominic church of Cividale. When the grave was re-opened in 1447, it was found empty. The original cult of peoples belief was recognized by Pope Clement XIII, in 1765, when he proclaimed her Blessed. He permitted the Dominican Order to celebrate her in memory on October 29 and declared it a festival day. Later, the cult spread among the people in the diocese. |
| Since the city of Cividale is located in the proximity of the Slovenian border, we have to ask ourselves, why did the Blessed Benvenuta remain unknown among the Slovenian population? The reason is, that for several centuries the church territory of the Patriarchal of Aquileia was divided into a Friulian (later Venetian) part and into an Austrian part. To the latter pertained also the Slovenian lands. In 1750, the Patriarchal was abolished, and both parts advanced to archdioceses, namely, that of Udine (Republic of Venice) and that of Gorica (Austria). Cividale belonged to the archdiocese of Udine, and only there the cult of the Blessed Benvenuta was diffused. |
| Today, she is valued only as a Friulian female saint. But her role in the Medieval spirituality and mysticism in the Patriarchal of Aquileia still must be discovered, and also her influence on the Slovenian saintly world has to be researched. |
| Bibliograpphy: |
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A. Tilatti, Benvenuta Boiani: teoria e storia della vita religiosa femminile nella Cividale del secondo Duecento, Trieste 1994. | |
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G. Pozzi / C. Leonardi (Hrsg.), Scrittrici mistiche italiane, Genova 1988 (reprint 1996), 183 - 192 | |
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| Col. Vladimir Vauhnik |
| Gestapo and Slovenian Spy Force |
| 1896 - 1955 |
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| Vlado Vauhnik after his arrival in Switzerland, in 1944. |
| Dr. Jožko Šavli |
| Prlekija, the area east of the ancient city of Ptuj, is still today poor in agriculture, but one is surprised to find that the people from this region have much dignity and benevolence. Moreover, many valorous persons originated from there: Card. Missia, inventor Puch, geographer Kozenn, and so on and so on... Vladimir Vauhnik was such a man with his spy activity in Berlin and then in Ljubljana, who denoted the period soon after the beginning of the WW2, and also later on. A personality of European standards, who remained forgotten or even suspended in post-war Slovenia. In fact, he was on the same level as the famous Dr. Sorge, or even surpassed him. |
| Vladimir's life |
| It was still the time of the ancient Austrian Monarchy, when in 1896 Vladimir or Vlado was born in the village of Svetinje near Ormoz (Friedau), in Lower Styria. His father was a senior teacher at the local school there. Vladimir had three brothers and one sister. The parents brought their children up with a certain feeling of Slovenian national consciousness. After finishing elementary school, he attended grammar school in Maribor. There, he was an excellent student, double first, particularly in mathematics, always passing with honours. In the fourth grade he also passed the facultative examination of Styrian history, and received the golden coin from the Provincial Government of Styria. Thus, he was the best among all candidates, even from the higher classes. |
| After he finished the fourth grade, he did not continue grammar school, but to the surprise of all friends and his parents, he entered the military college in Maribor. There, he was the best again, albeit he was the smallest and the youngest. But he was the best shooter, horseman, fencer... And soon he gained in strength and size. He always remained a consciences Slovenian, and in the then mostly German speaking city of Maribor, dressed in his smart looking cadet uniform, he frequented the performances in the Narodni dom (Slovenian National House). In his third year of college, he obtained already the rank of a lieutenant, and he was also well received at the prestigious military academy Theresianum in Wiener Neustadt. But instead to continue school, he was sent to the war front at the outburst of the WW1, in 1914. There, he served as an officer in the famous 17th infantry regiment, which was composed mainly of Slovenian boys and therefore were called the "Janezi" (Johns), which is a typical Carniolan name. He participated courageously in the battles and was injured more than ones. |
| In 1918, he also took over the command of the regiment, but then came already the collapse of the Austrian Monarchy, and he became a prisoner of war under the Italians. Nevertheless, he soon escaped and returned to Maribor. Then he entered the new Yugoslavian army, and went into battle in southern Carinthia. He was distinguished for his bravery and he became the captain-in-charge. After WW1, because of his capabilities, he began a brilliant military career. In Belgrade, he finished the headquarters school, then the École de Guerre in St. Cyr in France, carried out different services, and for seven years he taught as Professor of Strategies at the Belgrade headquarters school. |
| Vlado mastered in word and script, apart from Slovenian, German and Serbian, also French, English and Italian. He wrote down numerous military scientific studies, and received the position of headquarters colonel - the youngest in the then Yugoslav army. We do not exaggerate in saying that he was the most qualified among all high officers. |
| Military Attaché in Berlin |
| In 1937, Vladimir (Vlado) Vauhnik was appointed military attaché at the Yugoslav embassy in Berlin. He was holding a very responsible post, for which a special capability was necessary, without the patronage and favouritism of others, as it was characteristic for Belgrade. At that time, Germany, under the Nazi regime, started to be the first great power in Europe. |
| In the following years, Germany occupied one after the other neighbouring States: in 1938 Austria and then Czechoslovakia, in 1939 Poland, and then the WW2 broke out, in 1940 Denmark, Norway, Holland, Belgium, and finally France. Hitler triumphed. In 1941, German troops intervened in North Africa, and were present in Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria, and then they occupied Greece. In April of the same year, they also occupied Yugoslavia, and in July the Soviet Union. |
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| "Nevidna fronta" (Invisible Front), i.e., Vlado Vauhnik's memoirs issued in Buenos Aires, in 1965. |
| Vlado Vauhnik laboured incessantly. His spying in Berlin was perfect. He supplied Belgrade with data concerning the technical structure and armed conditions etc. of the German troops, and he also communicated precise data of the military attacks on the individual States. But the Nazi regime caught the informers at the key posts in Belgrade, and the following day they reported Vauhnik's spying to the Berlin headquarters. Hitler was furious. The Gestapo surveilled Vlado Vauhnik day and night, and tried to find out, who informed him so precisely about the greatest State secrets. But nothing emerged! Also his memoirs did not reveal the names of his collaborators, who were to be traced among the opponents of the Nazi regime in the highest circles of German society. This is the only news he left behind in his memoirs, published under the title "Nevidna fronta" (Invisible Front, Buenos Aires 1965). Soon after, the book was also translated in German as "Memoiren eines Militärattachés" (1967). |
| Regretfully, in Belgrade his communications were accepted with a certain reserve. In 1939, the intriguers at headquarter started the procedure for his removal. Namely, he should have been deluded by German propaganda, because he foretold the collapse of Poland three weeks after the attack by Nazi troops. Indeed, the collapse occurred before the procedure was concluded. |
| At that time, Yugoslavia tried in every way to maintain friendly relations with Germany. In 1939, the Yugoslav regent, Prince Pavle, visited Berlin and great solemnities were organized. At this occasion, more then 50 Yugoslav decorations were conferred to Nazi functionaries, and the same Reichsführer Himmler received the Great Cross of the Yugoslav Crown... A few days before the German attack on Yugoslavia, on April 6, 1941, Vauhnik communicated to Belgrade this datum, too, and the 32 division prepared for the attack. But his communication was anew ignored, and the attackers found Belgrade unprepared. The bombarding of the city by German aviation caused thousands of victims. |
| The Nazi regime did not respect the international agreement for diplomatic representatives, and had Vlado Vauhnik arrested after the attack. The outcome of the hearing is not known. In the memoirs of Walter Schellenberg, the chief of the then German secret service, cf. "Schellenberg's Memoirs " (London 1956), we read about three ladies of diverse social classes in Berlin, who apparently supplied Vauhnik with information obtained through gossip or from their husbands. This can be only an excuse, as to avoid the true names. Vauhnik himself said, that he will take into his grave the name of the person, who gave him the datum of the attack on Yugoslavia. |
| Arrest and Hearings |
| After having been arrested by the Gestapo, in 1941, Vlado Vauhnik was jailed for four months. The hearings relieved one another. His interrogators were eager to learn about his German informers. After the occupation of Belgrade, the Gestapo found many of his communications there. He was lucky, that the decoding key was not discovered. Vlado Vauhnik surpassed by far his Gestapo interrogators, and he could have "cleared" the way, how he received information. He should have received the data mostly from the gossips of officers and from people in key positions, which he then combined skilfully. |
| But as a very military expert, he criticised with objective arguments also the German military strategy, and led in this way the attention of his interrogators to another problem, in particular to the eastern front. In his book "Nevidna fronta", he said himself: After so many hearings, my dossier grew over one hundred pages. Until then, the Gestapo never experienced such a thing neither... (p. 236). |
| The interrogators insisted repeatedly on only one serious argument against Vlado: Who telephoned him on April 1 about the attack on Yugoslavia, which was carried out on April 6, 1941? The phone call was received by the mayor, who happened to be in Vlado's office at the time, but he did not recognise the caller's voice. Vlado says (p. 238): In those days, only the highest military and political persons knew this exact datum, only Göring, Göbbels, Keitel, Jodl, Halder, Jeschonek, Ribbentrop and Himmler, or anyone of the adjutant officers or assistants to the same Hitler... Personally, I had a hunch, who could have been the informer, but I did not breathe a word. |
| The silent German friends were found even among the Gestapo apparatus. At one time, when he expected his interrogators, the female typist said to him, that he will be released, and that it would be better for him to leave Berlin. Then, back in his cell, inside a book, for which he asked, he found a ticket, on which was written: Go to Slovakia or to Croatia and expect instructions to follow! - Indeed, he was released, and Walter Schellenberg, the Gestapo leader himself, informed him, that because his native Styria was already a part of the Reich, he was now a German citizen, and Schellenberg offered him a high post at the Kruppwerke. But Vlado preferred to go to Zagreb, in Croatia. |
| The existence of Vlado's silent friends in the German high society, and even among the Nazi apparatus, can only to be cleared by his gentlemanly attitude toward the Germans and Germany in their most critical period, ie. under the Nazi regime. In spite of Hitler's attacks on the neighbouring States, in spite of the Nazi crimes, Vlado liked and respected German friends and people. No one military attaché was like him. |
| Vlado spent in Zagreb some months, and he expected instructions from Berlin, as it was written on the secret ticket. He apparently joined the Croatian Ustasha army. But after a long waiting period, he asked for an Italian visa and left for Ljubljana, which was occupied by Italy. He felt ill, because when he was in prison in Berlin, something was given to him by the Gestapo. The physicians at the sanatorium Emona in Ljubljana could not discover the reasons of his illness. Nevertheless, in fact he was not so feeble, and his bad state of health was only demonstrated in front of special Gestapo agents, who regularly came directly from Berlin to control him. Moreover, in Ljubljana Vlado started another activity, which may be even overshadowed the one in Berlin. |
| Spy Force BBZ |
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| The net of the intelligence organization BBZ with the centre in Ljubljana |
| The letters BBZ meant Vlado's spy organization in Ljubljana and were not an abbreviation of any kind. Vlado himself said, he took the letters from the title of the Berliner Börsen Zeitung. This abbreviation bears the title of the second chapter of his activity, described in his memoirs. He was able to restore an extensive information net of collaborators, which reached as far as Berlin, Prague, Munich, Vienna and Warsaw in the north, and until Zagreb, Belgrade, Skoplje, Split and Dubrovnik in the south-east. In the west, in Italy, his informers were even present in Florence, Rome and Naples. From Ljubljana the information passed through Trieste, Venice, Verona to Milan, and from there to the British general consul in Bern, Switzerland. |
| The most important one of Vauhnik's collaborators was a certain AA., who the Gestapo searched for all over Europe. The collaborators were mostly Slovenians, who were exiled by the Nazi regime all over Middle Europe: mostly railroaders, but also compulsory labourers from the industry, and engineers. One cannot imagine that these people were able to maintain such a spying net for three years. One must gaze at the then Slovenian generation, who under death risks gathered data concerning transports of troops and weapons toward Greece and through Italy toward North Africa. Whole shipping yards at the Adriatic Sea were under control of the collaborators in the harbour of Split. A great number of informers were discovered, tortured and executed, but the spy net was not destroyed. |
| In an uncommon way, Slovenians living in all parts of occupied Europe knew, that in Ljubljana was someone, to whom they had to deliver the gathered data, and whom they could trust that it will be in the right hands. The enemy was spied upon incessantly. In the same Ljubljana, the waiters from the Hotel Union overheard the conversations of the German officers stationed there; the chambermaids and cleaners regularly examined their luggage and personal things... Every week a little woman dressed in humble cloth travelled by train from Ljubljana or Trieste to Milan, and in her hollow ring she transmitted communications in a very reduced form.... They all became spies and spied elsewhere, it was like the Slovenians became a people of intelligence: a very Slovenian spy force. |
| Many thousands of news, information and sketches had to be examined by the BBZ staff. Two thirds of them had to be discarded. From the rest of the material communications for the western Allies had to be elaborated. About the statistics of BBZ Vlado says (p. 4o6): over 70 very ample reports concerning all fields of enemy activity had to be elaborated; about 1250 questions were answered in telegraphic style, and about 900 relations were specifically military. Further, around 65 % of the reports were wholly reliable, around 25 % served as base for completion in connection with others, and only about 10 % were without value. The skilful collaborator AA. made his own reports. |
| And the incredible inventiveness! An engineer began to produce cognac from the Italian wine called Marsala. Because of its sweetness the wine was not consumed by Ljubljana people. An enormous stock built up and was ready for disposal. Says Vlado Vauhnik (p. 272): Couriers were given cognac, and they did all kinds of favours for me; cognac opened doors in jails; the distribution of the bottles was of more service to me than very well paid agents... For a bottle of cognac, kind German soldiers of the Wehrmacht and even people from the SS delivered the mail, without opening the letters, to Vauhnik's anti-Nazi friends in Berlin, and they punctually returned the answers. And so on... |
| The soul of the BBZ activity in Zagreb was Melita Thaler, the widow Tomic, Vlado's cousin in his mother's line. But in April 1944, she was discovered and sentenced to death. The situation in Ljubljana became from day to day more uncertain. So, in June 1944, Vlado Vauhnik left Ljubljana for Milan, and from there he secretly travelled to Switzerland. At the end of the WW2, he did not return to Yugoslavia and its Communist regime, and in 1948 he left for Argentina. The illness, wich he carried in his body since he was prisoned in Berlin, destroyed him gradually. After an unsuccessful operation, he died in Buenos Aires, in 1955. |
| Reminiscences |
| Vauhnik's memoirs were published in 1965. But it is evident that the preparation was already noticed by Belgrade's secret service. This would have surpassed their issue, so already in 1963 the Serbian writer Nikola Milovanovic in his new book "Od marseljskog atentata do Trojnog pakta" (From the Marseille Attentate until the Triple Pact) accused Vlado Vauhnik of being a Nazi agent, and that he was sending communications dictated by the Nazis to Belgrade. |
| Such affirmation was evidently ordered by the Belgrade secret service. Namely, under the Yugoslav Communist regime of that time one could have existed as a writer only by mercy of this service. It seems, that the figure of Vlado Vauhnik disturbed the great-Serbian lobby of the secret service for the simple reason, that Vlado Vauhnik was a Slovenian. In spite of the fact, that his political orientation had always been directed towards Yugoslavia. |
| In Slovenia, some people, who knew Vlado Vauhnik, felt themselves aggrieved by such a terrifying offence of his memory. Therefore, in 1972, Vauhnik's memoirs were also published in Ljubljana, but without the second part of his BBZ activity. The Slovenian public should not be aware of his great international spying service in the same Ljubljana during the WW2. Such a notice could have given a certain pride to the Slovenian national consciousness. |
| Anyway, Makso Šnuderl, Vlado's old friend from Maribor in the young years, rejected the accusations of the Serbian writer in the foreword of the aforesaid book. But he also affirmed, that Vlado's memoirs, which were issued in Buenos Aires by Slovenian emigrants, should have been edited with some anti-Communist sentences, that Vlado never was capable to write. In addition, Makso Šnuderl also revealed that during the WW2 he in persona and other members of the Liberation Front (led by the Communists) invited Vlado Vauhnik to associate with them, but he rejected. |
| The edition of Vlado Vauhnik's half-way memoirs in 1972 has been a unique remembrance of his personality in Slovenia, except that he never was mentioned by his name in some articles. Nor was he presented to the Slovenian public in his role and the great work that he performed during the WW2. We assume, to mention him in the very light was prevented by the apparatus of the Yugoslav secret service, and not even after Slovenia's independence was he remembered in his very dignity. Anyway, Vlado Vauhnik with his Slovenian spy force cannot be erased from history. |
